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All rights reserved. 

[ 2 ] 

The Editor is requested by the Council to make it known 
to the Public, that the Committees and Authors alone are 
responsible for the facts and opinions contained in their 
respective Reports and Papers. 

It is hoped that Members will be so good as to send to the 
Editor, the Rev. W. Harpley, Clayhanger Rectory, Tiverton, 
not later than 16th January, 1896, a list of any errata they 
may have detected in the present volume. 

'7- /r-j/" 
.7 4 7* a 

[ 3 ] 


List of Officers 

Places of Meeting, &c. 

Rules . 

Bye-Laws and Standing Orders 

Report . 

Balance-Sheet . 

Property . 

Selected Minutes of Council appointing Committees 

President's Address 

Obituary Notices — John Roberts Chanter — Edward Fisher — Winslow 
Jones — William Layers — Mrs. Tanner-Davy 

Fourteenth Report of the Committee on Devonshire Verbal Provin 
cialisms. F. T. Elworthy 

Thirteenth Report of the Committee on Devonshire Folk-Lore. P. F. S 

Thirteenth Report (Second Series) of the Committee on the Climate of 
Devon. P. F. S. Amery . . . 

8econd Report of the Dartmoor Exploration Committee . 

Okehampton Beginnings. R. N. Worth, F.o.s. 

Sport on Dartmoor. W. F. Collier . • . 

Okehampton Castle. R. N. Worth, f.g.s. 

Recent Repairs to the Castle at Exeter. Sir J. B. Phear, ma., f.g.s. 

Manors in Bratton Clovelly. Rev. T. W. Whale, m.a. . 

The Devonshire Domesday. II. The Devonshire Domesday and the 
Geldroll. Rev. Oswald J. Reichel, m.a., b.c.l., f.s.a. 

An Enquiry as to the Genuineness of the Parish Accounts of Milton 
Abbott, forjthe year 1588, as given in the Monthly Magazine, or 
British Begister, for the year 1810. Rev. C. H. Taylor, m.a. 


















Dartmoor and the County Council of Devonshire. W. F. Collier 

Samuel Stoddon. George M. Doe • . ... 222 

A Short Chapter from the Story of Torbay, 1667. P. Q. Karkeek, M.R.c.8. 226 

The Frosts of 1855 and 1895, as Observed at Teignmouth. W. C. 

Lake, m.d. . . . . ... 234 

Professorial and Amateur Research in South Devon. A. R. Hunt, 

SI. A., F. L.H. , F.G.S. • . . . . • «w 

Notes on the Geology of Okehampton. R. N. Worth, f.o.s. . . 297 

Devonshire Briefs. Parti. T. N. Brushfield, m.d. . . .311 

Sydenham. Mrs. G. H. Radford . . ... 358 

The Barnstaple Parish Registers. Joseph Harper . . . 362 

Domesday Identifications — The Hundreds. R. N. Worth, f.g.s. . 374 

Hulham Manor. A Sketch Historical and Economic. Rev. Oswald 

J. Reichel, m.a., b.c.l., f.s.a. . . ... 404 

The Stone Rows of Dartmoor. Part IV. R. N. Worth, f.g.s. . . 437 

Index to Personal Names in Westcote's View of Devonshire in 1630, 

and his Devonshire Pedigrees. A. B. Prowse, m.d., f.r.c.8. . 443 

List of Members . . . ... 487 


Plan of Merrivale Antiquities 

Plan and Bird's-eye View of Merrivale Antiquities (2 plates) 
" Fallen Cromlech " at Merrivale 
Barrow at Merrivale 
Shapley Common Huts (4 plates) 
Cupboard in Hut at Shapley 
Plan of Okehampton Castle 
Herring-bone Work, Exeter Castle 
Athelstan's Tower, Exeter (elevation) 
„ „ (section) 

» » (plan) 

Rev. S. and Wm. Stoddon 

License of Samuel Stodden 

Facsimile of Brief 

Map of Hulham Manor 
















[ 5 ] 



The Right Hon. LORD HALSBURY. 


The Worshipful the Mayor of Okehampton, 
S. P. B. NEWCOMBE, Esq. 

P. F. B. BELLEW, Esq. 


Rev. J. F. CLARKE, b.a. 

C. GEEN, Esq., J.p. 

W. H. HOLLEY, Esq., j.p. 

J. BYERS LEAKE, Esq., j.p. 

J. DUMVILLE LEES, Esq., j.p. 

W. LETH BRIDGE, Esq., j.p. 
C. J. C. LUXMORE, Esq. 
Professor Sir F. POLLOCK, Bart., 

M.A., LL.D. 

Rev. F. W. SAULEZ, m.a. 

E. B. SAVILE, Esq. 

Col. WHITE-THOMSON, c.b., j.p. 

C. B. WOOLLCOMBE, Esq., j.p. 

fton. &reaftum. 
P. F. S. AMERY, Esq., j.p., Druid, Ashburton. 

Son. Loral ^treasurer. 
W. BURD PEARSE, Esq., Okehampton. 

Ikon. Serrrtarp. 
Rev. W. HARPLEY, m.a., f.c.p.s., Clayhanger, Tiverton. 

fcon. Local Secretary. 
J. D. PRICKMAN, Esq., Okehampton. 

ACLAND, 8ie H. W. D. 
AMERY, J. 8. 
AMBRY, P. P. 8. 
BURNS. J. 8. 
DOE, O. M. 


HALL, T. M. 
HARRIS, 8. G. 
HEX, F. 8. 
HUNT, A. R. 
LAKE, W. C. 
PHEAR, Sir J. B. 

ROWB, J. B. 
8PRAGUE, F. 8. 
TROUP, Mrs. 
WOODHOU8B, H. B. 8. 

[ 6 ] 




Place of Meeting. 

1862. Exeter 

1863. Plymouth 

1864. Torquay 

1865. Tiverton 

1866. Tavistock 

1867. Barnstaple 

1868. Honiton 

1869. Dartmouth 

1870. Devonport 

1871. Bideford 

1872. Exeter 

1873. SlDMODTH 

1874. Teignmouth 

1875. Torrington 

1876. a8hburton 


1878. Paignton 

1879. Ilfraoombe 
1SS0. Totnes 
1881. Dawlish 
1S82. Crediton 

1883. Exmouth 

1884. Newton Abbot 

1885. Seaton 

1886. St. Maryohuroh 

1887. Plympton 

1888. Exeter 

1889. Tavistock 

1890. Barnstaple 

1891. Tiverton 

1892. Plymouth 

1893. Torquay 

1894. South Molton 

1895. Okehampton 


Sir John Bowring, ll.d., f.r.s. 
C. Spence Bate, Esq., f.r.s., f.l s. 
E. Vivian, Esq., m.a. 

C. G. B. Daubeny, m.d., ll.d., f.r.s., Pro- 
fessor of Botany, Oxford. 
Earl Russell, k.g., k.q.o., f.r.s., &c 
W. Pengelly, Esq., f.r.s., f.g.s. 
J. D. Coleridge, Esq., q.c, m.a., m.p. 
G. P. Bidder, Esq., c.e. 
J. A. Froude, Esq., m.a. 
Rev. Canon C. Kingsley, m.a., f.l.s., f.g.s. 
Right Rev. Lord Bishop of Exeter. 
Right Hon. S. Cave, m.a., m.p. 
Earl of Devon. 
R. J. King, Esq., m.a. 
Rev. Treasurer Hawker, m.a. 
Ven. Archdeacon Earle, m.a. 
Sir Samuel White Baker, m.a., f.r.s., f.r.g.8. 
Sir R. P. Collier, m.a. 

H. W. Dyke Acland, m.a., m.d., ll.d., f.r.s. 
Rev. Professor Chapman, m.a. 
J. Brooking Rowe, Esq., f.s.a., f.l.s. 
Very Rev. C. Merivale, d.d., d.c.l. 
Rev. T. R. R. Stebbing, m.a. 
R. F. Weymouth, Esq., m.a., d.lit. 
Sir J. B. Phear, m.a., f.g.s. 
Rev. W. H. Dallinger, ll.d., f.r.8., f.l.s., &c. 
Very Rev. Dean Cowie, d.d. 
W. II. Hudleston, Esq., m.a., f.r.s., f.g.s., 

f.l.s., &c. 
Lord Clinton, m.a. 
R. N. Worth, Esq., f.g.s. 
A. H. A. Hamilton, Esq., m.a., j.f., c.c. 
T. N. Brushfield, m.d. 
Sir Fred. Pollock, Bart, m.a. 
Lord Halsbury. 

[ 7 ] 


1. The Association shall be styled the Devonshire Association 
for the advancement of Science, Literature, and Art. 

2. The objects of the Association are — To give a stronger 
impulse and a more systematic direction to scientific enquiry in 
Devonshire ; and to promote the intercourse of those who cultivate 
Science, Literature, or Art, in different parts of the county. 

3. The Association shall consist of Members, Honorary Members, 
and Corresponding Members. 

4. Every candidate for membership, on being nominated by a 
member to whom he is personally known, shall be admitted by 
the General Secretary, subject to the confirmation of the General 
Meeting of the Members. 

5. Persons of eminence in Literature, Science, or Art, connected 
with the West of England, but not resident in Devonshire, 
may, at a General Meeting of the Members, be elected Honorary 
Members of the Association; and persons not resident in the 
county, who feel an interest in the Association, may be elected 
Corresponding Members. 

6. Every Member shall pay an Annual Contribution of Haif- 
a-guinea, or a Life Composition of Five Guineas. 

7. Ladies only shall be admitted as Associates to an Annual 
Meeting, and shall pay the sum of Five Shillings each. 

8. Every Member shall be entitled gratuitously to a lady's ticket. 

9. The Association shall meet annually, at such a time in July 
and at such place as shall be decided on at the previous Annual 

10. A President, two or more Vice-Presidents, a General 
Treasurer, and one or more General Secretaries, shall be elected 
at each Annual Meeting. 


11. The President shall not be eligible for re-election. 

12. Each Annual Meeting shall appoint a local Treasurer and 
Secretary, who, with power to add to their number any Members 
of the Association, shall be a local Committee to assist in making 
such local arrangements as may be desirable. 

13. In the intervals of the Annual Meetings, the affairs of the 
Association shall be managed by a Council, which shall consist 
exclusively of the following Members of the Association, excepting 
Honorary Members, and Corresponding Members : 

(a) Those who fill, or have filled, or are elected to fill, the offices 
of President, General and Local Treasurers, General and Local Secre- 
taries, and Secretaries of Committees appointed by the Council. 

(b) Authors of papers which have been printed in extenso in 
the Transactions of the Association. 

14. The .Council shall hold a Meeting at Exeter in the month 
of January or February in each year, on such day as the General 
Secretary shall appoint, for the due management of the affairs of 
the Association, and the performing the duties of their office. 

15. The General Secretary, or any four members of the Council, 
may call extraordinary meetings of their body, to be held at 
Exeter, for any purpose requiring their present determination, by 
notice under his or their hand or hands, addressed to every other 
member of the Council, at least ten clear days previously, specifying 
the purpose for which such extraordinary meeting is convened. 
No matter not so specified, and not incident thereto, shall be 
determined at any extraordinary meeting. 

16. The General Treasurer and Secretary shall enter on their 
respective offices at the meeting at which they are elected; but 
the President, Vice-Presidents, and Local Officers, not until the 
Annual Meeting next following. 

17. With the exception of the Ex-Presidents only, every 
Councillor who has not attended any Meeting, or adjourned 
Meeting, of the Council during the period between the close 
of any Annual General Meeting of the Members and the close 
of the next but two such Annual General Meetings, shall have 
forfeited his place as a Councillor, but it shall be competent for 
him to recover it by a fresh qualification. 

18. The Council shall have power to fill any Official vacancy 
which may occur in the intervals of the Annual Meetings. 

19. The Annual Contributions shall be payable in advance, and 
shall be due in each year on the day of the Annual Meeting. 


20. The Treasurer shall receive all sums of money due to the 
Association ; he shall pay all accounts due by the Association after 
they shall have been examined and approved ; and he shall report 
to each meeting of the Council the balance he has in hand, and 
the names of such members as shall be in arrear, with the sums 
due respectively by each. 

21. Whenever a Member shall have been three months in arrear 
in the payment of his Annual Contributions, the Treasurer shall 
apply to him for the same. 

22. Whenever, at an Annual Meeting, a Member shall be two 
years in arrear in the payment of his Annual Contributions, the 
Council may, at its discretion, erase his name from the list of 


23. The General Secretary shall, at least one month before each 
Annual Meeting, inform each member by circular of the place and 
date of the Meeting. 

24. Members who do not, on or before the day of the Annual 
Meeting, give notice, in writing or personally, to the General 
Secretary of their intention to withdraw from the Association, 
shall be regarded as members for the ensuing year. 

25. The Association shall, within three months after each Annual 
Meeting, publish its Transactions, including the Kules, a Financial 
Statement, a List of the Members, the Report of the Council, the 
President's Address, and such Papers, in abstract or in extenso, 
^ad at the Annual Meeting, as shall be decided by the Council. 

26. The Association shall have the right at its discretion of 
printing in extenso in its Transactions all papers read at the Annual 
Meeting. The Copyright of a paper read before any meeting of 
the Association, and the illustrations of the same which have been 
provided at his expense, shall remain the property of the Author ; 
hut he shall not be at liberty to print it, or allow it to be printed 
elsewhere, either in extenso or in abstract amounting to as much as 
one-half of the length of the paper, before the first of November, 
next after the paper is read. 

27. The Authors of papers printed in the Transactions shall, 
within seven days after the Transactions are published, receive 
twenty-five private copies free of expense, and shall be allowed to 
have any further number printed at their own expense. All 
arrangements as to such extra copies to be made by the Authors 
with the Printers to the Association. 


10 RULES. 

28. If proofs of papers to be published in the Transactions 
be sent to Authors for correction, and are retained by them 
beyond four days for each sheet of proof, to be reckoned from the 
day marked thereon by the printers, but not including the time 
needful for transmission by post, such proofs shall be assumed to 
require no further correction. 

29. Should the extra charges for small type, and types other 
than those known as Roman or Italic, and for the Author's correc- 
tions of the press, in any paper published in the Transactions, 
amount to a greater sum than in the proportion of ten shillings 
per sheet, such excess shall be borne by the Author himself, and 
not by the Association ; and should any paper exceed four sheets, 
the cost beyond the cost of the four sheets shall be borne by the 
Author of the paper. 

30. Every Member shall, within three months after each Annual 
Meeting, receive gratuitously a copy of the Transactions. 

31. The Accounts of the Association shall be audited annually, 
by Auditors appointed at each Annual Meeting, but who shall not 
be ex officio Members of the Council. 

[ 11 ] 


1. In the interests of the Association it is desirable that the 
President's Address in each year be printed previous to its 

2. In the event of there being at an Annual Meeting more 
Papers than can be disposed of in one day, the reading of the 
residue shall be continued the day following. 

3. The pagination of the Transactions shall be in Arabic 
numerals exclusively, and carried on consecutively, from the 
beginning to the end of each volume; and the Transactions of 
each year shall form a distinct and separate volume. 

4. The General Secretary shall bring to each Annual Meeting 
of the Members a report of the number of copies in stock of each 
• Part ' of the Transactions, with the price per copy of each ' Part ' 
specified; and such report shall be printed in the Transactions 
next after the Treasurer's financial statement. 

5. The General Secretary shall prepare and bring to each 
Annual Meeting brief Obituary Notices of Members deceased 
during the previous year, and such notices shall be printed in the 

6. An amount not less than 80 per cent of all Compositions 
received from existing Life-Members of the Association shall be 
applied in the purchase of National Stock, or such other security 
as the Council may deem equally satisfactory, in the names of 
three Trustees, to be elected by the Council. 

7. At each of its Ordinary Meetings the Council shall deposit at 
interest, in such bank as they shall decide on, and in the names of 
the General Treasurer and General Secretary of the Association, all 
uninvested Compositions received from existing Life-Members, all 
uninvested prepaid Annual Subscriptions, and any part, or the 
whole, of the balance derived from other sources which may be in 
the Treasurer's hands after providing for all accounts passed for 
payment at the said Meeting. 

b 2 


8. The General Secretary, on learning at any time between the 
Meetings of the Council that the General Treasurer has a balance 
in hand of not less than Forty Pounds after paying all Accounts 
which the Council have ordered to be paid, shall direct that so 
much of the said balance as will leave Twenty Pounds in the 
Treasurer's hand be deposited at Interest at the Capital and Counties 
Bank, Ashburton. 

9. The General Secretary shall be authorized to spend any sum 
not exceeding Ten Pounds per annum in employing a clerk for 
such work as he finds necessary. 

10. The General Secretary shall, within one month of the close 
of each Annual Meeting of the Association, send to each Member 
newly elected at the said Meeting a copy of the following letter : — 

Devonshire Association for the Advancement of Science, Literature, 

and Art. 

Sir, — I have the pleasure of informing you that on the of 

July, , you were elected a Member of the Association on the 

nomination of 

The copy of the Transactions for the current year, which will be for- 
warded to you in due course, will contain the Laws of the Association. 
Meanwhile I beg to call your attention to the following statements : — 

(1) Every Member pays an Annual Contribution of Half a Guinea, 
or a Life Composition of Five Guineas. 

(2) The Annual Contributions are payable in advance, and are due 
in each year on the day of the Annual Meeting. 

(3) Members who do not, on or before the day of the Annual 
Meeting, give notice in writing or personally to the General Secretary 
of their intention to withdraw from the Association are regarded as 
Members for the ensuing year. 

The Treasurer's Address is — P. F. S. Amery, Esq., Druid, Ashburton. 
— I remain, Sir, your faithful Servant, 

Hon. Sec. 

11. The reading of any Report or Paper shall not exceed twenty 
minutes, or such part of twenty minutes as shall be decided by the 
Council as soon as the Programme of Reports and Papers shall 
have been settled, and in any discussion which may arise no speaker 
shall be allowed to speak more than ten minutes. 

12. Papers to be read to the Annual Meetings of the Association 
must strictly relate to Devonshire, and, as well as all Reports 
intended to be printed in the Transactions of the Association, and 
prepared by Committees appointed by the Council, must, together 
with all drawings intended to be used in illustrating them in the 
said Transactions, reach the General Secretary's residence not later 
than the 24th day of June in each year. The General Secretary 
shall, not later than the 7th of the following July, return to the 
Authors all such Papers or drawings as he may decide to be unsuit- 


able to be printed or to serve as illustrations in the said Transac- 
tions, and shall send the residue, together with the said Eeports of 
Committees, to the Association's printers, who shall return the 
same so that they may reach the General Secretary's residence not 
later than on the 14th day of the said July, together with a state- 
ment of the number of pages each of them would occupy if printed 
in the said Transactions, as well as an estimate of the extra cost of 
the printing of such Tables, of any kind, as may form part of any 
of the said Papers and Eeports ; and the General Secretary shall 
lay the whole, as well as an estimate of the probable number of 
Annual Members of the Association for the year commencing on 
that day, before the first Council Meeting on the first day of the 
next ensuing Annual Meeting, when the Council shall select not a 
greater number of the Papers thus laid before them than will, with 
the other documents to be printed in the said Transactions, make 
as many sheets of printed matter as can be paid for with the sum 
of 60 per cent, of the subscriptions for the year of the said 
probable number of Annual Members, and any part or the whole 
of such balance, not derived from Compositions of existing Life 
Members, or from prepaid Annual Subscriptions, as may be lying 
at interest, as well as that which may be iu the Treasurer's hands ; 
this ' sum ' shall be exclusive of the extra cost of the printing of 
such aforesaid Tables, which have been approved and accepted by 
the Council, provided the aggregate of the said extra cost do not 
exceed 6 per cent, of the said subscriptions ; exclusive also of the 
printers' charge for corrections of the press ; and also exclusive of 
the cost of printing an Index, a list of Errata, and such Resolu- 
tions passed at the next Winter Meeting of the Council, as may be 
directed to be so printed by the said Winter Meeting; and the 
number of Papers selected by the Council shall not be greater than 
will, with the Eeports of Committees, make a Total of 40 Eeports 
and Papers. 

13. Papers communicated by Members for Non-Members, and 
accepted by the Council, shall be placed in the Programme below 
those furnished by Members themselves. 

14. Papers which have been accepted by the Council cannot be 
withdrawn without the consent of the Council. 

15. The Council will do their best so to arrange Papers for 
reading as to suit the convenience of the authors ; but the place of 
a Paper cannot be altered after the Programme has been settled by 
the Council 

16. Papers which have already been printed in extenso cannot be 
accepted unless they form part of the literature of a question on 
which the Council has requested a Member or Committee to 
prepare a report. 


17. Every meeting of the Council shall be convened by Circular, 
sent by the General Secretary to each Member of the Council not 
less than ten days before the Meeting is held. 

18. All Papers read to the Association which the Council shall 
decide to print in extenso in the Transactions, shall be sent to the 
printers, together with all drawings required in illustrating them, 
on the day next following the close of the Annual Meeting at which 
they were read. 

19. All Papers read to the Association which the Council shall 
decide not to print in extenso in the Transactions, shall be returned 
to the authors not later than the day next following the close of 
the Annual Meeting at which they were read; and abstracts of such 
Papers to be printed in the Transactions shall not exceed one- 
fourth of the length of the Paper itself, and must be sent to the 
General Secretary on or before the seventh day after the close of 
the Annual Meeting. 

20. The Author of every Paper which the Council at any Annual 
Meeting shall decide to print in the Transactions shall be expected 
to pay for all such illustrations as in his judgment the said Paper 
may require. 

21. The printers shall do their utmost to print the Papers in tho 
Transactions in the order in which they were read, and shall return 
every Manuscript to the author as soon as it is in type, but not 
before. They shall be returned intact, provided they are written 
on loose sheets and on one side of the paper only. 

22. Excepting mere verbal alterations, no Paper which has been 
read to the Association shall be added to without the written 
approval and consent of the General Secretary ; and no additions 
shall be made except in the form of notes or postscripts, 
or both. 

23. In the intervals of the Annual Meetings, all Meetings of 
the Council shall be held at Exeter, unless some other place shall 
have been decided on at the previous Council Meeting. 

24. When the number of copies on hand of any ' Part ' of the 
Transactions is reduced to twenty, the price per copy shall bo 
increased 25 per cent. ; and when the number has been reduced to 
ten copies, the price shall be increased 50 per cent, on the original 

25. The Association's Printers, but no other person, may reprint 
any Committee's Report printed in the Transactions of the Associa- 
tion, for any person, whether a Member of the said Committee, or 
of the Association, or neither, on receiving, in each case, a written 
permission to do so from the Honorary Secretary of the Association, 


bat not otherwise; that the said printer shall pay to the said 
Secretary, for the Association, sixpence for every fifty Copies of 
each half sheet of eight pages of which the said Report consists ; 
that any number of copies less than fifty, or between two exact 
multiples of fifty, shall be regarded as fifty ; and any number of 
pages less than eight, or between two exact multiples of eight, 
shall be regarded as eight ; that each copy of such Reprints shall 
have on its first page the words " Reprinted from the Transactions 
of the Devonshire Association for the Advancement of Science, 

Literature, and Art for with the consent of the Council of 

the Association," followed by the date of the year in which the 
said Report was printed in the said Transactions, but that, with the 
exception of printer's errors and changes in the pagination which 
may be necessary or desirable, the said Reprint shall be in every 
other respect an exact copy of the said Report as printed in the 
said Transactions without addition, or abridgment, or modification 
of any kind. 

26. The General Secretary shall, within one month after each 
Annual General Meeting, inform the Hon. Local Treasurer and the 
Hon. Local Secretary, elected at the said Meeting, that, in making 
or sanctioning arrangements for the next Annual General Meeting, 
it is eminently desirable that they avoid and discourage everything 
calculated to diminish the attendance at the General and Council 
Meetings, or to disturb the said Meetings in any way. 

27. The Bye-Laws and Standing Orders shall be printed after 
the * Rules ' in the Transactions. 

28. All resolutions appointing Committees for special service for 
the Association shall be printed in the Transactions next before 
the President's Address. 

29. Members and Ladies holding Ladies' Tickets intending to 
dine at the Association Dinner shall be requested to send their 
names to the Hon. Local Secretary on forms which shall be pro- 
vided ; no other person shall be admitted to the dinner, and no 
names shall be received after the Monday next before the dinner. 

30. Members admitted by the General Secretary during the 
interval between two Annual General Meetings, and who decide 
when admitted to compound for the Annual Contributions, shall 
be entitled to receive the publications of the Association during 
the Association's year then current, provided their compositions are 
paid not later than the last day of January, but shall not be thus 
entitled if their compositions are paid between that date and the 
next Annual General Meeting of the Association. 

[ 16 ] 


As presented to the General Meeting, at Okehampton, July 30th, 1895. 

The Thirty-third Annual Meeting of the Association was 
held at South Molton, on Tuesday, July 31st, and following 
days. A spacious suite of rooms in the Municipal Buildings 
was placed at the disposal of the members, proving most 
central and convenient. After a meeting of the Council, 
held at 2 p.m., there was a formal reception of the Association 
in the Town Hall, by Mr. Dudley J. C. Bush, in the absence 
of the Mayor (Mr. A. E. Shapland) through a family bereave- 
ment. Mr. Bush, on behalf of the Mayor, Aldermen, and 
inhabitants of the Borough, gave a most cordial welcome to 
the members of the Association, which was acknowledged by 
Dr. Brushfield, the retiring President, in a few well-chosen 

At 4 p.m. the General Meeting was held. At 8 p.m. 
Sir Frederick Pollock delivered his Introductory address 
to a fairly good company, assembled in the Old Assembly 

On Wednesday, at 11 a.m., the reading and discussion of 
the following Programme of Papers commenced, and was 
continued until 4 p.m. There was throughout a good attend- 
ance, and the discussions were well sustained. 

Nineteenth Report of the Committee) . Broohiruj t^^ F « . FI s 
on Scientific Memoranda . .) J ' ^ roofnn 9 ***** *.s.A., *-"• 

Twelfth Report of the Committee on \ p « « a mM ~. 
the Climate of Devon . . m ) * * S. Amcry. 

Twelfth Report of the Committee on ) p m ]? m g t Amery, 
Devonshire Folk Lore . J 

Sixth Report of the Committee on Devon- ) j t Brooking Rowe, f.s. a., f.l.s. 
shire Records . . . . j 

^tSs&SS: Dartmo ? r Erplora : } ** s - ****** «.*• 

Early Days in South Molton . .UN. f Forth, f.o.s. 


Some suggestions to aid in identifying ) « n*wald J Reiehel m a r r i 
the place-names in the Devonshire \ JCeo ' ^"f* J ' lieichel ' M-^ 8 - - 1 " 

— * - \ F.8. A. 

H. T. Carpenter, m.a., ll.m. 

Domesday * F,S A * 

Furze of Moreshead 

Exploration of the HutCirclesinBroadun ) R ^ Bumard , 
Ring and Broadun 

Hot Circles at Tavy-Cloave . 

Dartmoor for Devonshire 

Rev. S. Baring-Qould, M.A. 
W. F. Collier. 

Index to Risdon 
Personal Names 

Clerical and Social Life in Devon in 1287 The Rt. Rev. Bishop Brownlow, D. D. 

Chorston Ferrers and Brizham Records 

of Briefs— 1722 to 1827, and 1706 Rev. S. O. Harris, m.a. 
to 1766 ..... 

"* ^ i h<>fAllS»inte,EastBndleigh ) J T N Brushfield> M . D . 

The Stone Rows of Dartmoor, Part iii R. N. Worth, F.o.s. 

The Leoca or Lug of Domesday . . { ^>-OmwMJ. ^iclul, M.A., B.C.L., 

The Blowing -np of Great Torrington ^ a M , n 
Church, 16th February, 1645 . J **' MarK Lfoe ' 

The Rev. Matthew Mundy, i. ii. iii. iv. Mrs. Frances B. Troup. 

The Churchwardens' Accounts of East) m «r »«„, j,^7j % , ^ 
Budleigh f T. N. Brushfield, m.d. 

Residents in the Three Towns in 1522-3 R. N. Worth, f.g.s. 

The Hundred of Hartland in the Geld ) Rev. Oswald J. Reichel, m.a., B.C. L., 
Roll . . . . . . ) F.8.A. 

^Survey of Devon- j AHhyr B ^^^ M ^ p R s 

A List of Plants growing wild in the ) Miss Helen Saunders (communicated 
Parish of South Molton and some 5 Z.^v^^^^l\ 
neighbouring Parishes . . . J ** *»> W * Har ^^ M ' A ->' 

In the evening, at 7 p.m., the Annual Dinner was held in 
the Assembly-room of the George Hotel, covers being laid 
for about fifty. The President, Sir Frederick Pollock, occupied 
the chair. The dinner was excellent, and reflected much 
credit on the host, Mr. S. P. Kellan. 

On Thursday, at 10 a.m., the reading and discussion of 
papers was resumed, and continued till about 2 p.m., when 
the concluding General Meeting was held, followed by a 
Meeting of the Council. 

On Friday there was an excursion to the Doone Valley. 
The weather was superb, and a most enjoyable day was 
spent. Four breaks were provided, and these were taken in 
charge by three members of the Local Committee. A start 
was made at 10 o'clock from the Town Hall, and between 
thirty and forty found places in the breaks. The first halt 
was at North Molton ; here the members were received by 


Dr. Spicer, and conducted over the church. The Register, 
dating from 1539, was examined with interest, and the fine 
old screen of carved oak was much admired. Dr. Spicer 
provided a charming refection, and showed some interesting 
antiquities found in a barrow in the neighbourhood. A vote 
of thanks having been accorded to Dr. Spicer and his 
daughter for their kind and graceful hospitality, the party 
proceeded to Simonsbath. Here luncheon was indulged in. 
Simonsbath Church was next visited. Beyond the fact that 
the edifice is about 1200 ft. above the sea level, nothing was 
found to delay the departure to the Doone Valley. A drive 
to Brendon " Two-gates," and a rather trying walk of two or 
three miles across the Moor, but bravely undertaken and 
accomplished by the ladies present, brought the party to the 
famous home of the Doones. Here the stronghold of the 
Doones — Lorna's kitchen and oven, the water-slide, and 
other points, real and imaginary, mentioned by Blackmore in 
Zorna Docme, were noted, and a return was made to Simons- 
bath. After tea Dr. Brushfield, Vice-President, proposed a 
vote of thanks to the Committee, and trusted they would 
convey the sincere thanks of the Association to those who 
had so generously provided for their entertainment. He 
wished to thank the Mayor for the part he had taken in the 
day's proceedings. His kind and genial manner had done 
much to make the expedition the success it had been. " This 
day," he said, " has been one of the pleasantest the Associa- 
tion has ever spent." The Mayor having acknowledged the 
vote in a few graceful words, a return was then made, and 
South Molton reached at 10 p.m. 

It having been decided that the next Annual Meeting 
should be held at Okehampton, the following were elected 
officers for the occasion : 

President : The Eight Hon. Lord Halsbury. Vice- 
Presidents : The Worshipful the Mayor of Okehampton, 
S. P. B. Newcombe, Esq. ; P. F. B. Bellew, Esq. ; CoLBickford; 
Eev. J. F. Clarke, b.a. ; C. Geen, Esq., j.p. ; W. H. Holley, 
Esq., J.P. ; J. Byers Leake, Esq., j.p. ; J. Dumville Lees, Esq., 
J.P. ; W. Lethbridge, Esq., j.p. ; C. J. C. Luxmore, Esq. ; 
Professor Sir F. Pollock, Bart., m.a., ll.d. ; Eev. F. W. Saulez, 
m.a. ; E. B. Savile, Esq.; Col. White-Thomson, c.B., j.p.; 
C. B. Woollcombe, Esq., J.P. Hon. Treasurer : P. F. S. Amery, 
Esq., J.P., Druid, Ashburton. Hon. Local Treasurer: W. 
Burd Pearse, Esq., Okehampton. Hon. Secretary : Eev. W. 
Harpley, m.a., f.cp.s., Clayhanger, Tiverton. Hon. Local 
Secretary : J. D. Prickmau, Esq., Okehampton. 


The Council have published the President's Address, 
together with Obituary Notices of members deceased during 
the preceding year, and the Reports and Papers read before 
the Association; also the Treasurer's Report, a list of 
Members, and the Rules, Standing Orders, and Bye-Laws; 
they have since added an Index, kindly prepared by 
Mr. R. N. Worth, and a Table of Corrections. 

A copy of the Transactions and Index has been sent to 
each member, and to the following Societies: The Royal 
Society, Linnaean Society, Geological Society, Anthropological 
Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Royal Institution 
(Albemarle Street), the Society of Antiquaries, Devon and 
Exeter Institution (Exeter), Plymouth Institution, Torquay 
Natural History Society, North Devon Athenaeum (Barn- 
staple), Royal Institution of Cornwall (Truro), the Library of 
the British Museum, the British Museum (Natural History, 
Cromwell Road), the Bodleian Library (Oxford), and the 
University Library (Cambridge). 

[ 20 ] 

Treasurer's Report of Receipts and Expenditure 


£ *. d. 

Arrears of Contributions for 1892-93 
Arrears of Contributions for 1893-94 
Annual Contributions for 1894-95 
Prepaid Contributions for 1895-96 

Life Compositions 

Sale of " Transactions" — 

3 copies for 1863 . 
1 ditto 1864 . 



1865 . 



1866 . 



1867 . 



1868 . 



1870 . 



1876 . 



1878 . 



1879 . 



1892 . 



1893 . 

Sale of " Devonshire Domesday " 
2 copies of Part I. 
1 ditto Part II. 



Part III. 



Part IV. 



Part V. 



Part VI. 



Part VII. 

Sale of Indexes 

Dividends on Consols to July 30th, 1895 

Balance due to Treasurer 

Annual Contributions unpaid, due July 25th, 1893 . 
Ditto ditto July 31st, 1894 . 

1 1 

9 19 


149 2 

20 9 


1R0 1Q 





































7 19 




















I have examined the foregoing Accounts with (he Vouchers, and found them 

correct, this 27th day of July, 1895. 


A udUur. 

[ 21 ] 

during the year ending 30*A Jvly, 1895. 


Balance due to Treasurer, July 31st, 1894 
Brendon and Son — 

Printing "Transactions," vol. xxvi. 

Packing and Postage 

Index and Postage, vol. xxv. 

Cards, Circulars, and Notices 


Poole, South Molton, Programmes 
Hoc General Secretary, Petty Expenses 
Hon. General Secretary's Assistant 
Hon. General Treasurer, Petty Expenses 
Hire of Room for Winter Meeting 
Bank Charges on Temporary Overdraft 
L. B. Varder, Printing Notices . 

142 7 9 

13 15 

4 10 

6 13 

4 3 

42 18 8 

167 10 

8 6 

5 11 1 




5 6 

2 11 

7 6 

1*226 10 2 


P. F. S. AMERY, Hon. General Treasurer. 

[ 22 ] 
Statement of the Property of the Association, July 30th, 1895. 

tli 8 original price."— 
ii of f.tOO. Tb« TOIL 

[ 23 ] 



Passed at the Muting at Okehampton. 
JULY, 1895. 

9. That Dr. Brushfield, Rev. W. Harpley, Sir J. R Phear, Mr. 
J. Brooking Rowe, Mr. A. H. A. Hamilton, and Mr. R. N. Worth 
be a Committee for the purpose of considering at what place the 
Association shall hold its Meeting in 1897, who shall be invited 
to be the Officers during the year beginning with that Meeting, 
and who shall be invited to fill any official vacancy or vacancies 
which may occur before the Annual Meeting in 1896; that Mr. 
Harpley be the Secretary ; and that they be requested to report 
to the next Winter Meeting of the Council, and, if necessary, to 
the first Meeting of the Council to be held in July, 1896. 

10. That Mr. J. S. Amery, Mr. F. Brent, Mr. Robert Burnard, 
Rev. W. Harpley, Dr. Brushfield, Mr. J. Brooking Rowe, Mr. H. 
B. S. Woodhouse, and Mr. R. N. Worth be a Committee for the 
purpose of noting the discovery or occurrence of such Facts in any 
department of scientific inquiry, and connected with Devonshire, 
aa it may be desirable to place on permanent record, but which 
may not be of sufficient importance in themselves to form the 
subjects of separate papers ; and that Mr. J. Brooking Rowe be 
the Secretary. 

11. That Mr. P. F. S. Amery, Mr. G. M. Doe, Mr. D. 0. 
Evans, Rev. W. Harpley, Mr. P. Q. Karkeek, Mrs. Radford, Mr. 
J. Brooking Rowe, Mrs. Troup, and Mr. H. B. Woodhouse be 
a Committee for the purpose of collecting notes on Devonshire 
Folk-Lore ; and that Mr. P. F. S. Amery be the Secretary. 

12. That Dr. Brushfield, Lord Clifford, Mr. A. H. A. Hamilton, 
Mr. J. Hine, Mr. J. Shelly, and Mr. R. N. Worth be a Com- 
mittee to prepare a Report on the Public and Private Collections 
of Works of Art in Devonshire ; and that Mr. J. Shelly be the 


13. That Mr. J. S. Amery, Dr. Brushfield, Mr. F. T. El worthy, 
Mr. F. H. Firth, Mr. P. O. Hutchinson, Mr. P. Q. Karkeek, 
Dr. W. C. Lake, and Mrs. Troup be a Committee for the purpose 
of noting and recording the existing use of any Verbal Pro- 
vincialisms in Devonshire, in either written or spoken language ; 
and that Mr. F. T. Elworthy be the Secretary. 

14. That Mr. P. F. S. Amery, Dr. Brushfield, Mr. Burnard, 
Mr. P. 0. Hutchinson, Mr. J. Brooking Rowe, Mr. R. Hansford 
Worth, and Mr. R. N. Worth be a Committee to collect and 
record facts relating to Barrows in Devonshire, and to take steps, 
where possible, for their investigation ; and that Mr. R. N. Worth 
be the Secretary. 

15. That Mr. J. S. Amery, Mr. F. H. Firth, Rev. W. Harpley, 
Mr. R. C. Tucker, and Mr. T. W. Windeatt be a Committee for 
the purpose of making the arrangements for the Association dinner 
at Ashburton in 1896, and that Mr. T. W. Windeatt be the 

16. That Mr. James Hamlyn, Mr. A. Chandler, and Mr. P. F. 
S. Amery be a Committee to collect and tabulate trustworthy and 
comparable observations on the climate of Devon ; and that Mr. 
A. Chandler be the Secretary. 

17. That the Right Rev. Bishop Brownlow, Dr. Brushfield, 
Mr. R. W. Cotton, The Very Rev. the Dean of Exeter, Rev. J. 
Ingle Dredge, Mr. J. Brooking Rowe, Mr. E. Windeatt, and Mr. 
R. N. Worth be a Committee for the purpose of investigating and 
reporting on any Manuscripts, Records, or Ancient Documents 
existing in, or relating to, Devonshire, with the nature of their 
contents, their locality, and whether in public or private hands; 
and that Mr. J. Brooking Rowe be the Secretary. 

18. That Rev. G. B. Berry, Mr. R. Burnard, Rev. S. Baring- 
Gould, Mr. J. D. Pode, Mr. J. Brooking Rowe, Mr. R. Hansford 
Worth, and Mr. R. N. Worth be a Committee for the purpose of 
exploring Dartmoor, and that the Rev. S. Baring-Gould be the 




Ladies and Gentlemen, — There are a great many phrases 
which are convenient and even useful in application, though, 
peradventure, a strictly critical examination of them might 
suggest that they do not rest on a very logical foundation. 
The logical prohibition to allow division in such wise that 
the divided members t( se invicem continent" might seem 
to render your charter open to objection : but there may be 
subdivisions of one great subject, just as there may be 
different sized shelves in your library, which do not 
necessarily correspond to different subjects, or subjects 
divided from each other by any very precise line. It is, as 
I suppose, for some such reason that in view of the subjects 
for the study and promotion of which our Society exists, 
it has proclaimed its devotion to Literature, Science, and Art, 
^ce neither Science nor Literature, here, can be truly said 
to be exclusive of each other. 

Nor, indeed, do I find that the records of this Association 
give countenance to the idea that its interests and investiga- 
tions are confined within the narrow limits sometimes, and 
inaccurately as I think, assigned to the three topics in 

It would be strange, indeed, if History, or the materials 
from which History is made up, should be excluded from the 
tovestigations of such a Society as this. The great author of 
modern experimental philosophy, though he certainly had no 
midue reverence for Antiquity — indeed, he tells us that the 
too great reverence for Antiquity has kept men back from 
progress in knowledge — yet allows that they are as planks in 
* shipwreck, and acknowledges that industrious and sagacious 
men have, by their investigation of some things which he 

vol. xxvil c 

26 LORD halsbury's presidential address. 

enumerates, preserved some things from the deluge of past 
ages. But I think that the passage to which I refer is too 
important to be passed over by reference. It is as follows : — 

" Memorise sunt historia inchoata, aut prima et rudia historian 
lineamenta ; antiquitates vero historia deformata sunt, sive reliquiae 
historiae, quae casu e naufragis temporum ereptae sunt. 

"Memoriae, sive praeparationes ad historiam duplicis generis sunt; 
quorum alteram commentaries, alteram registra vocare placet. 
Commentarii nudam actionum et eventuum seriem ac connexionem 
proponunt, praetermissis causis reram et praetextibus, initiis quoque 
earundem et occasionibus, consiliis ibidem, et orationibus, et reliquo 
actionum apparatu. Talis enim est propria commentariorum natura ; 
licet Caesari, per modestiam quandam com magnanimitate 
cod junc tarn praestantissimae, inter eas, quae extant, historiae com- 
mentariorum nomen indere placuerit. At registra duplicis natures 
sunt ; complectuntur enim aut titulos rerum et personarum, in serie 
temporum ; quales dicuntur fasti et chronologize ; aut actorum 
solemnitates ; cujus generis sunt, principum edicta, senatuum 
decreta, judiciorum processus, orationes publico habitae, epistolaa 
publico missae, et simila, absque narrationis contextu sive filo 

" Antiquitates, sen historiarum reliquiae, sunt (uti jam diximus) 
tanquam tabulae naufragii, cum, deficiente et fere submersa rerum 
memoria nihilominus homines industrii et sagaces, pertinaci quadam 
et scrupulosa diligentia ex genealogiis, fastis, titulis, monumentis, 
numismatibua, nominibus propria et stylis, verbornm etymologiia, 
proverbiis traditionibus, archivis et instramentis, tarn publicis 
quam privatis, historiarum fragmentis, liboram neutiquam histori- 
corum locis dispersis; exhis, inquam, omnibus, vel aliquibus, 
nonnulla a temporis diluvio eripiunt, et conservant. Res sane 
operosa, sed mortalibus grata, et cum reverentia quadam conjuncta; 
ac digna certe, quae deletis fabulosis nationum originibus, in locum 
huju8modi commentitiorum substituatur ; sed tamen eo minus 
habeu8 auctoritatis, quia paucoram licentise subjicitur, quod paucis 
curoe est." 1 

I am not so much concerned with the division which the 
great philosopher whom I quote makes between the three 
heads, into which he divides Civil History, as with the part 
which he allows to Antiquities, and of which he only allows 
that they may, or some of them may, preserve some things 
from the deluge of time. 

It is against this insufficient recognition of the value of 
the labours of industrious and learned men that I wish to 
say a few words, since whatever else may come within the 

1 Bacon's Works, vii. 130, 131. 


topics which form the watchwords of our Society, there 
can be no denial that the truth of what has passed among 
men and its exposition in later times, contributes to Science, 
Literature, and Art, in no small degree. 

Now, in each of the subjects to which Lord Bacon refers, 
there is to my mind a wealth of knowledge, and so great 
a check to error, that it seems appropriate in such a Society 
as this to dwell a little and consider how much these things 
may tell us. 

Genealogies : Speaking in this county, may I not say that 
many of them furnish materials, not only for a history of 
Devonshire, but for a history of England. Eisdon, Prince, 
and Polwhdt would enable one to give a living history 
of many an interesting period of our National chronicles. 

Speaking in this place it would be superfluous to go 
through the long roll of Devonshire Heroes, Philosophers, 
Judges, Authors — whose names have become entwined with 
any account of the progress of the Nation; and any account 
of their lives and works would itself form no inconsiderable 
addition to National history. 

To attempt to epitomise such a Roll would be to offend 
against one of Lord Bacon's own protests, that historical 
epitomes leave but the useless rubbish, and only weaken 
and destroy, like rust and moth, the annals which they pro- 
fess to represent. 

Only in later times — much later indeed than the period of 
Lord Bacon — have we begun to learn how much may be 
ascertained from the dry legal documents, some of which for 
the first time were printed in 1835. 

The Selden Society in the year 1888, published Seleet 
Pleas of the Grown, extending from the year 1200 to the 
year 1225, and, fascinating as is the subject (or rather mani- 
fold subjects), with which those Pleas of the Crown deal, I 
must not enlarge on all they disclose, not only of the state of 
the law, but also of the state of Society, since the material 
I know would grow under my hand, and become too un- 
wieldy for management. 

Only one subject I will mention, because I have to men- 
tion it in another connection presently, and that is the first 
complaint in a Court of Law against what we have known as 

Again, Coins : I daresay most of us are familiar with the 

controversy that had arisen round the title attributed to 

o 2 

28 LORD halsbuby's presidential address. 

Sergiu8 Paulus in the Acts of the Apostles, dependent upon 
the question whether Cyprus was an Imperial or Senatorial 
province ? But, coins dug up in Cyprus in modern times, 
have settled that controversy, and established the accuracy of 
St. Luke's designation. 

The very material of the coin, though in a very different 
region of thought, is not without its importance. It con- 
sists of the red copper of the island, and we learn from 
Josephus that Herod farmed the copper mines from which 
that material was extracted. 

Without going through the whole catalogue given by Lord 
Bacon, it is manifest, even from but a few examples, that the 
story of "Eyes and no Eyes" receives fertile illustration 
from such topics as I am now insisting upon. Etymology, 
and, indeed, the study of Philology generally, is such an 
auxiliary to Literature, in its more limited sense, that in 
Chatterton's day it was possible to get many dupes to a 
forgery, which, if published in our own time, would probably 
have been exposed by a letter to The Times, within twenty- 
four hours of its first publication. 

Those who have read that most delightful book, Trench on 
Words, will not lack examples of what a history lies some- 
times hidden in a single expression. But we do not 
want examples in our own times of the proposition that the 
word remains current, long after the word or the phrase has 
lost its connection with the history which gave rise to its 

Why is a policeman called a Bobby ? or why was he called 
a Peeler. 

Why was a fourpenny piece called a Joey ? 

Some of us are old enough to recognise the names of Sir 
Robert Peel and Mr. Joseph Hume in such phrases, but it 
would take much study of Political and Comic Literature to 
explain to the enquirer of the twentieth century what 
allusions are involved in these expressions. 

Why already the troubles of Captain Boycott and his 
individuality are forgotten, though the word is used in con- 
versation, aye, and even in Acts of Parliament, without an 
interpretation clause to lead us to the history which the 
word discloses. 

Of course, I do not deny, that in this as in other depart- 
ments of human knowledge, the error which is incident 
to them all has made its appearance, and Mr. Jonathan 
Oldbuck's " Pnetorium," or " Bill Stumps his mark " have had 


their real prototypes in Archaeological investigations : but for 
all that the laborious search for records of the past has been 
richly rewarded before now; and the scientific use of the 
imagination must and will find its place in the thousand 
conjectures which rise to the mind of the zealous antiquary, 
before he gets the clue which guides him in the right direction. 

I have thought whether as applicable to names I could 
not make out a good case for Okehampton being connected 
with the death of Hardicanute, on 8 June, 1042. 

There was an Oke-day, or Hoke-day (it was spelled both 
ways) kept as a festival throughout England, on the fifteenth 
day after Easter. That there was such a festival is certain ; 
that singular customs gathered round it is equally certain ; 
though whether it was to celebrate the massacre of the 
Danes in 1002, in the reign of Ethelred II., or the death of 
Hardicanute forty years afterwards, learned men are not 
agreed ; but Oke or Hoketide was a familiar date in early 
English history. Oke games, Oke collections, Oke cere- 
monies, Oke-Tuesday, when the women tied the men with 
ropes, are all things known and treated of by learned men, 
and if occasionally their zeal has outrun their discretion in 
the conclusions at which they arrived, it has been, I think, 
in most cases, because they have begun with their conclusion, 
and, having started with their theories, they did not examine 
them to see whether the facts supported them, but treated 
the facts with somewhat cavalier indifference if they did 
not accord with the theory. 

Hampton is, we all know, a common termination for an 
English town, and the absence or presence of the letter H is 
certainly a matter upon which no reliance can be placed: but 
I do not advance my theory; I have not investigated my 
facts ; and in the face of my own warning I do not pro- 
pound the theory until all the facts have been thoroughly 
investigated. But, in truth, the spirit of careful and minute 
investigation is the real life and essence of historical and 
scientific inquiry. It is not the principle of rash assumption 
without labour, or of that aTaXanroopo? £riTW L <mi$ aXrjOeias, 
of which Thucydides speaks, and which seems to leave its 
victims unable to understand what is plain and manifest 
before their eyes. 

The reading of the hieroglyphic language may furnish an 
illustration of what I mean. There was a book familiar 
enough to every theological etudent, written by one who, 


at one time himself an Egyptian priest, had explained the 
great key which, independently of any such hint, Ghampollion 
the younger found for himself with infinite labour; and this, 
be it remembered, was a subject upon which the learned 
of all cultivated nations had exercised themselves, and 
exercised themselves fruitlessly. And yet, as I say, the 
riddle was read for them, if they had but had eyes and 
ears, such as are cultivated by the laborious and saga- 
cious men of later times. 

Now, the true key was, as most here are aware, that so far 
as alphabetic writing formed part of the language, the initial 
letters were taken of the objects represented : so if we were 
spelling a cat in English hieroglyphics we should draw a 
cow, an axe, and a tree ; a dog might be a dart, an ox, and a 

Now, Clemens Alexandrinus explained that hieroglyphics 
were read e/c Trparrwv crroixctcov. Everybody translated these 
words as meaning what indeed in classic Greek they do 
mean, the "first elements," but this translation explained 

After Champollion's discovery, but not before, it occurred 
to those who read the passage that the word (rroix^ia in the 
mouth of a scholar of the third century might mean letters, 
and the word irpwrwv, though meaning " first in time " might 
also mean " first in place," and so the " first elements " were 
rightly changed to " initial letters " — plainly enough when we 
have been told what they mean, but which one would think 
ought not to have taken fifteen centuries to find out ? 

Of Legends I will only instance one: Blue Beard, the 
delight of our youth. A legend as told but having too true 
a foundation. Blue Beard, whom we have known with 
turban and scimitar, was a Breton knight, and no Turk at all ; 
but his seven wives were not a sacrifice to jealousy, but to 
the mediaeval superstition of obtaining an Elixir of Life. 
His trial, conviction, and punishment, are duly recorded in 
the annals of Nantes, and may be examined by the curious 
antiquary to this day. 

But not only names of persons, but names of things. 
What wealth of theological disquisition is involved in the 
phrase * corporal oath " ? Trace it out to the " corporate " — 
the cloth in which the Host was wrapped, upon which it 
was the custom to swear, and then consider all that is 
involved in the word " corporal" 


Talk of Gibraltar, and resolve it into its Arabic elements 
as the Mountain of Tarik, and the Moorish invasion of Spain 
lies before you, and all the history that then becomes a 

We have seen, in very recent times, the mode of burial in 
Egypt disclosing the history of a hitherto unknown people ; 
and the tablets of Tel el Amarna revealing something like 
Consular Beports between Syria and Egypt, at a period in 
which crude, superficial, and therefore ignorant incredulity, 
denies the existence of written characters at all. 

We have all, doubtless, heard of the discovery of Aristotle's 
lost Treatise upon the Constitution of Athens, and on the 
back of it is written a farm account of the reign of Trajan. 
These seem to me, not Lord Bacon's planks in a shipwreck, 
but dumb witnesses of truth, which from their inflexibility 
are the inveterate enemies of fable, and the correctors of 
erroneous tradition. 

I do not say that one may not, sometimes, justify the jibe 
of Peter Pindar, who treats all engaged in such pursuits as I 
am speaking of, as silly children amusing themselves with 

Horace Walpole justified his leaving a Society of Anti- 
quaries because they had discussed "Whittington and his 

A favourite French play represents the ignorant citizen 
digging up the broken relics of his own crockery, which an 
awkward servant had buried to conceal his awkwardness, and 
claiming them as Roman remains. But the true spirit of 
research is just what is wanted to remove the reproach of too 
readily accepting manufactured antiquities. 

I do not say that the spirit of research is infallible. I do not 
say that some of its professors do not make very absurd 
blunders. I have admitted, as all must admit of human 
learning — that it may err. 

Research is not knowledge; neither is it like the super- 
natural power of seeing a great deal in nothing, which some 
of our modern fiction attributes to the professional detective. 
Bat it is, nevertheless, a clue in the labyrinth of confused 
tradition, a guide through the mists of party misrepresenta- 
tion and national prejudices, a light which has no colour, and 
which, therefore, casts no shade of its own over the facts 
which it discloses ; or, to change the metaphor, I would say 
it is more like the subtle test of the analytical chemist, 
which, even in its minutest form, is able at once to detect 


the admixture of alloy in the mingled ores of base metal 
and trua 

What is done by Associations such as ours, is, I think, to 
cultivate that spirit, and to bring into the midst each theory 
in turn propounded for acceptance, and expose it, if not in 
the furnace of affliction, in that furnace of criticism in which 
all that is not genuine melts away, and leaves behind it the 
firm basis of Historical and Scientific Truth. 

It might seem that what I have been saying would be 
more appropriate to an exclusively Archaeological Society than 
to one whose claims seems to embrace a wider area ; but I 
do not think either Science, Literature, or Art are in danger 
of being neglected in our time, and as a great philosophical 
teacher of Germany said in his lecture on the vocation of 
a scholar, "Culture must not be one-sided, but all-sided." 
Bale and Leland, Dugdale, Hearne, were voces clamantes 
in deserto; and what I am endeavouring to insist upon is 
that the astonishing discoveries in Egypt, Asiatic Turkey, 
and India have hardly received their due meed of attention, 
and have not been recognised in the light they have shed on 
much that constitutes Science, Literature, and Art 

Mr. Flinders Petrie, Mr. Naville, Professor Sayce, have I 
think been obscured by the splendours of their own dis- 
coveries. Bonami, Donaldson, Mr. George Smith, Mr. 
Pinches, Mr. Budge, have almost disclosed a new world. 

Nearly half a century ago, a French scholar and 
archaeologist, Mr. Vitet, said : " In truth it is a new thing, 
entirely new and original, to describe and classify in chrono- 
logical order not only these monuments embedded in the 
earth, and the sculptures which adorn them, but all the 
creations of the art and industry of our fathers, even the 
lightest and most fragile." After a just testimony to those 
whose perseverance and labour had searched into the interior 
history of the Middle Ages, deciphered its writing, explained 
its usages, and interpreted its laws, he says, "But in one 
point they made default, they did not look at its monuments." 

How was it that they were not brought to the study of its 
monuments ? How was it that the study of Palaeography, 
Heraldry, and Numismatics, did not bring them to the study 
of its monuments? Why did they not recognise that the 
monuments are to past ages, what writing is to ideas ? 

Mr. Vitet was dealing with the monuments of the Middle 
Ages, and more especially those in his own country, but he 
glances further on at a wider field. 


Do we know, for instance, he says, from the sixth century 
to the time of the Crusaders, the relations between the East 
and the West Even if one only were to consult written 
records, who would think that between the bazaars of 
Byzantium and the counters of Cologne, between the 
monasteries of Thessaly and the cloisters of Auvergne or 
Poitou, there existed relations, if not always frequent, at 
least never completely interrupted. 

The learned will not believe it at all, but the monuments 
affirm it, and it is the monuments which are right 

This, then, is the conclusion which I seek to draw : that 
Science, Literature, and Art should lend their aid to, and seek 
aid from, Archaeological Research. 

The field is becoming wider every day. 

Mr. Simpson, in a paper read at the Ninth International 
Congress of Orientalists, held in London five years ago, read 
a paper on Oriental Art and Archaeology, which discloses 
the astonishing progress of Archaeology in the East An 
Archaeology scientific in its methods, and elegant in its 

Dr. Leitner's collection, which he brought to the South 
Kensington Museum, in London, and his own learned lectures 
on the objects collected, show what may be learned from 
comparatively insignificant things scientifically treated. But 
I have said enough to make my point clear, and the Devon- 
shire Association for the promotion of Science, Literature, 
and Art, requires no stimulus from me, to emulate in the 
West the energy and skill which the East is now displaying, 
in gathering the scattered materials for a more scientific 
history of man than the nineteenth century has yet 

#bituarp Notices* 


John Roberts Chanter was born at Bideford, January 
5th, 1816, being the son of Mr. John Chanter, banker, of 
that town. During his early childhood his father removed 
to London, and he was left in the care of his uncle, the 
Rev. William Chanter, vicar of Hartland, and later was 
taken charge of by his maternal uncles, Messrs. Edward 
and Charles Roberts, solicitors, of Barnstaple. After com- 
pleting his education at Exeter Grammar School, he was 
articled to his uncle, Mr. Charles Roberts, and ultimately 
became a partner in the firm of Roberts, Carter, and Chanter, 
solicitors. Soon after the death of these partners, Mr. 
Chanter was joined by Mr. J. P. Ffinch, and a few years 
later retired from his practice into private, but ever active 
and useful life. A man of excellent ability, great energy, 
and a public spirited citizen, Mr. Chanter threw himself 
eagerly into public life, and soon exercised great influence 
in municipal affairs. He was for many years a member of 
the Town Council, occupying a seat on the alderman's bench 
for a long time, and serving the office of Mayor with dignity 
and success. But it was in scientific and literary pursuits 
that he took the greatest delight, especially in those of an 
antiquarian character. His publications include Incidents in 
Barnstaple, 1865 ; A Literary History of Barnstaple, 1866 ; 
Lundy Island, a Monograph, 1877 ; Memorials of St. Peter's 
Church, Barnstaple, 1882 ; while by him and Mr. Wain- 
wright, headmaster of the Grammar School, the Barnstaple 
Borough Records were calendared and described, Mr. 
Wainwright translating and editing the earlier documents, 


and Mr. Chanter undertaking those of later date. These 
valuable contributions to local history were published in the 
North Devon Herald and North Devon Journal, weekly for 
about three years. 

Mr. Chanter became a member of the Association in 
1866. In the following year the annual meeting was held 
at Barnstaple, and he was elected one of the Vice-Presidents. 
The success of that meeting was largely due to his energy, 
activity, and hospitality. He became a member of the 
Council, and continued so until his decease. He also served 
on the Committee on Devonshire Becords, a Committee 
which was formed at his recommendation. For many years 
he was a regular attendant at the annual meetings, and 
frequently contributed papers. In the Transactions will be 
found papers by him on the following subjects : — 

" North Devon Customs and Superstitions," 1867 ; " The 
Early History of North Devon, and Site of the Supposed 
Cimbric Town, Artavia," 1867 ; " A History of Lundy 
Island," 1871 ; " On Devonshire Lanes," 1873 ; " The Early 
Poetry and Poets of Devon," 1874; "Tawton, the First 
Saxon Bishopric of Devonshire," 1875 ; " Vestiges of an 
early Guild of St. Nicholas at Barnstaple, a.d. 1303," 1879 ; 
"An Exchequer Tally, a Barnstaple Eecord of 1622," 1880 ; 
" Cluniac Houses in Devon," 1888. 

On the second Barnstaple meeting, in 1890, Mr. Chanter 
was again a Vice-President. Although his advancing years 
and failing strength prevented him taking a very active part 
to the proceedings, yet he most freely dispensed hospitality, 
and contributed largely to the enjoyment of those who 
attended the meeting. He died at his residence, Fort Hill, 
Barnstaple, July, 1895, aged 83 years. 


Edward Fisher, of Abbotsbury, Newton Abbot, was the 
son of Edward Fisher, of Ashby de la Zouch, and a descen- 
dant from Thomas Fisher, of Caldecott Hall, Leicestershire. 
He was born at Ashby in 1828. He was a devoted student 
of Archaeology and Architecture; and a great lover of art in 
all its branches. He was of retiring habits, and spent much 
of his time in his library or in his garden, of which he was 
y ery fond. He was a member of several Archaeological 
Societies, and became a member of this Association in 1873. 
He died July 31st, 1875, at his residence at Abbotsbury, 
aged 66 years. 



Winslow Jones was many years ago a partner in the firm 
of Messrs. Carew and Jones, solictors, of Exeter. The prac- 
tice was afterwards carried on by Mr. C. J. Follett, a relative 
of Sir William Follett, and now by Messrs. Battishill 
and Houlditch. Mr. Winslow Jones was known by all 
the citizens of Exeter and county families as a man of 
distinguished learning and great honour. He took a con- 
siderable part in connection with the visit of the British 
Association, in 1882, for which the Victoria Hall was built. 
He was one of the few remaining original members of the 
Devonshire Association, and from its commencement in 1862, 
till his decease, he identified himself with its aims, and gave 
his best efforts to promote its efficiency and well being. 
In 1883, he compounded as a life member. He contri- 
buted several papers at the annual meetings under the 
following titles:— 

"Memoranda on the Lucombe Oak and Governor Hoi will," 

" The Slanning8 of Leye, Bickleigh, and Maristow," 1887 and 

"Thomas Chafe, of Doddescott, in St Giles-in-the-Wood 
(Brother-in-Law of Tristram Eisdon, the Antiquary)" 1888. 

"ElizeHele," 1889. 

"Font in Dolton Church, North Devon," 1891. 

"Sir John de Sully, KG.," 1892. 

" The author of ' The Worthies of Devon ' and ' The Prince 
Family," 1893. 

Mr. Winslow Jones was always ready to supply, from his 
rich store of information, help to others engaged in literary 
work, as the following acknowledgments of literary help will 
testify : — 

"The author has been much indebted during his revision 
to . . . and Winslow Jones, Esq., for information about the 
West, which few else could have supplied." (The late Eev. 
C. W. Boase, in his Register of the Hectors and Fellows of Exeter 
College, 2nd Ed., 1893). 

"For special family history he has not seldom consulted 
Winslow Jones, Esq." 

(The same in his New Edition, 1894). 

Prebendary Hingeston-Randolph, in all the volumes he 
has printed of the Episcopal Registers, except the first, 


acknowledges the help of Mr. Winslow Jones. In the 
last issue, Bp. Grandisson, vol. i., he remarks : — 

"And I have again to acknowledge, with gratitude, the 
continued help of the many kind friends who have assisted me 
Wore . . . and Mr. Winslow Jones has rendered valuable 
service in helping me to identify the names of Manors and 
other Estates referred to more or less obscurely in the Regis- 

Some of the most valuable papers in the five volumes 
of Notes and Gleanings (Exeter), were contributed by Mr. 
Winslow Jones. He spared no pains of time, travel, or cost, 
in order to secure strict accuracy in all the work he under- 
took. He was remarkably modest, thoroughly unaffected, 
full of thoughtful kindness, indeed a fine specimen of 
the Christian gentleman. There were few matters of 
public importance in the city in which he had no part. The 
Albert Memorial, Museum, and educational affairs generally 
received his hearty support. He was a man of fine presence, 
and, until within the last year or two, he was upright as a 
dart, although he carried the weight of many years. He 
was one of the original officers of the 1st Eifle Volunteers. 

For some years before his decease he resided at Exmouth, 
where he died July 30th, 1895, aged 80 years. 


William Lavers was born at Kingsbridge, whence, in his 
youth, he removed to Plymouth, where he was articled to an 
eminent firm of solicitors, now known as Messrs. Eooker, 
Matthews, Harrison, and Matthews, of Frankfort-street. He 
^riy practised with much success as an advocate; but in 
1869 his health failed him, and for three years he devoted 
himself to travelling, both in Great Britain and upon the 
Continent. Eeturning home he was advised to remove to 
Torquay, where he purchased the charming residence known 
88 Upton Leigh, in Teignmouth Eoad. There he settled 
down with his wife and sister, the former of whom died in 
June last year. Shortly afterwards Mr. Lavers enlarged the 
pounds of his residence to their present area — eleven acres 
""-and devoted himself to the practice of floriculture, of 
which he became very fond. His principal hobby was the 
cultivation of orchids, of which he had a very extensive 
an d valuable collection, and many of which he annually 
displayed at the exhibitions of the Torquay Horticultural 
Society. Mr. Lavers was very philanthropic ; among many 


other objects, the Torbay Hospital awoke his earliest and 
keenest interest. In 1872 he subscribed £1000 for the 
construction of the North wing, this handsome gift at first 
being bestowed anonymously; the name of the donor was 
subsequently revealed by the merest accident. Mr. Layers 
was elected a Vice-President and a life governor of the 
Hospital. Besides being an annual subscriber, he made 
handsome donations to the funds at various intervals. 
Another charitable work with which Mr. Lavers became 
closely identified, was the Erith House Institution for invalid 
ladies, of which he acted as joint Hon. Secretary up to the 
time of his death. Of the Western Hospital for Consumption 
he was also a generous supporter. To satisfy the religious 
needs of the inhabitants of Lower Upton, about the end of 
1890 or beginning of 1891, he intimated his intention of 
providing a site for the erection of a mission house, since known 
as S. James', and towards its cost of £800 he subscribed £520, 
to which he afterwards added £60 more ; and, with his friend, 
the Eev. Preb. Wolfe, he bore the cost of the organ. 

On Nov. 12th, 1873, Mr. Lavers was elected a member of 
the Torquay Natural History Society. He was a member of 
the Committee in 1876, from 1878 to 1881, from 1885 to 
1888, and from 1890 to 1894. He was Vice-President in 
1877, President from 1881 to 1883, and a Vice-President 
again in 1884. His periodical lectures were much appre- 
ciated. As President of the Torquay District Gardeners' 
Association he delivered two instructive lectures — one upon 
orchids, and the other upon the peculiarities of seed distribu- 
tion. He became a member of this Association in 1873. 

Mr. Lavers never took an active part in the government of 
Torquay ; not until the Watershed controversy, at the 
beginning of 1894, was he known to appear upon the plat- 
form to speak upon a town question. The Town Council's 
scheme for the purchase of the Watershed found in him one 
of its strongest foes. He spoke much, and well, against the 
proposal, and there is no doubt that the stand he took in 
opposition did much to overthrow it. 

The malady from which he suffered increased in severity, 
and after May, 1894, he was almost entirely confined to his 
residence. He maintained, however, his genial disposition to 
the last, and, as long as he was able, he continued to delight 
in escorting his many visitors to Upton Leigh around his 
beautiful grounds and through his glass houses. The end 
came at last, after much patiently-borne suffering, on 
Saturday, September 15th, 1894. 



Mrs. Tanner -Davy was the daughter of Mr. James 
Schoolbred, of Tottenham Court Road, London. About 27 
years ago she was married to Col. John Tanner-Davy, j.p., 
of the Manor House, Rose Ash, near South Molton, who, 
for some years was Grand Master for Devon of the order 
of Mark Masons. He died in May, 1889. 

Mrs. Tanner-Davy joined the Association in 1892, as a 
life Member. She died of gastric fever, at the house of her 
brother, Mr. Walter Schoolbred, 10, Connaught Place, Hyde 
Park, W., on May 28th, 1895, aged 60 years. 

She was a woman of high literary attainments, a kind 
friend, and a generous donor to public and private charities. 
These she dispensed quietly ; only her most intimate friends 
knew that she gave, because she seldom added even her 
initials to her money gifts. The church at Bose Ash was 
indebted to her for many valuable additions to funds for 
structural purposes, and for internal fittings. A friend writes 
of her thus : — " During a close intimacy of 20 years, I never 
saw anything in her but what was generous, kind, and an 
intense desire to add to the comfort and happiness, not only 
of those near and dear to her, but to everyone who suffered, 
or was in any way afflicted in mind or body." 



Fourteenth Report of the Committee — consisting of Mr. J. S. 
Amery, Mr. F. T. Elworthy (Secretary), Mr. F. H. Firth, 
Mr. P. 0. Hutchinson, Mr. P. Q. Karkeek, Dr. W. C. 
Lake, Br. Brushfield, and Mrs. J. Rose Troup — for the 
purpose of noting and recording the existing use of any 
Verbal Provincialisms in Devonshire, in either written or 
spoken language, not included in the lists published in the 
Transactions of the Association. 

Edited by F. T. Elworthy. 

(Read at Okohampton, July, 1895.) 

The Fourteenth Report of your Committee appears at a 
particularly interesting and opportune time. Not only does 
it mark that your Committee has served two full apprentice- 
ships, and thereby proved itself to have done useful and 
valuable work, but it comes at a time when a very special 
effort should be made by all those interested to gather up 
the many fragments that remain. Two notices of great 
moment to all who have taken part in preserving our 
provincialisms have recently appeared. One is that the 
Dialect Society, which has served over three apprenticeships, 
is to cease to exist after 1896, for the reason that the seventy 
odd volumes it has produced are believed to contain all the 
material likely to be obtained "from any part of the country." 
The other is that the end for which the Dialect Society was 
really begun now appears to be in sight. The prospectus of 
the English Dialect Dictionary, which has been undertaken 
by the man of all others now living most capable of carrying 
out the work efficiently, scientifically, and promptly, has 


been issued. Dr. Joseph Wright, Professor of Comparative 
Philology at Oxford, estimates that this great work will be 
completed in eight years, say seven from this time, provided 
1000 subscribers have been obtained. Of that, for such a 
work, there can be little doubt. 

The materials collected by your Committee have gone to 
swell the mass contained in the publications of the Dialect 
Society and of others, which will have to pass through the 
mill of editorship, and the digestive brain of the final compiler. 
The amount of labour undertaken by Dr. Wright can only 
be appreciated by those who have had some experience, and 
have been behind the scenes, in other big work of this kind. 

The value of the Dialect Dictionary as a supplement to, or 
rather the complement of, the great English Dictionary, will 
be not simply national, but international, as containing the 
language of the entire people using that tongue, of whom 
the Empire upon which the sun never sets includes but a 

These considerations, 'so far from leading your Committee 
to close their labours, seem but to stimulate them in urging 
all observers still to keep careful watch for the many 
provincialisms still unrecorded, and to remember that such 
expressions as they deal with are not ail old, but ever new — 
that fresh words are day by day being invented by rustics, as 
touch as by journalists ; and history teaches that the dialect 
word of this year may become a literary one in the next. 
All interested, therefore, are earnestly cautioned that their 
work is by no means ended. 

Your Committee could have wished to be able to place 
* fuller list, with more signs of active work, on this its 
fourteenth statement. 

It would be ungracious and ungrateful to close this Eeport 
without affectionate mention of the name of the founder and 
fet editor of the Committee, our much-respected friend Mr. 
Pengelly, who, since the issue of the last lieport, has gone to 
test from his labours, full of years and of honour, but living 
still in the memory of his fellow-workers, as one whose life 
toay be summed up in one word — " thorough." 

The resolutions under which this Committee are empowered 
to act, together with instructions to be followed by those 
willing to collect materials, also a considerable list of books 
for reference, have been printed in full in previous reports, 
down to the tenth, published in vol. xviii. 1886. 

All new observers who are interested in the subject are 
invited carefully to peruse them, and to such as may not be 



in possession of the early reports containing the resolutions 
a copy will be gladly forwarded, on application to the Editor. 


Each provincialism is placed within inverted commas, and 
the whole contribution ends with the initials of the observer. 
All remarks following the initials are simply editorial. 

The full address of each contributor is given below, and it 
must be fully understood that he or she is responsible only 
for the statements to which his or her initials are appended : 

R P. C. = R Pearse Chope, 107, Ledbury Road, 

0. R = Rev. 0. J. Reichel, A la Eonde, Lympstone. 

F. B. T. = Mrs. J. Rose Troup, Offwell House, Honiton. 
A. D. T. = Rev. A. D. Taylor, Churchstanton Rectory, 

H. B. S. W. = H. B. S. Woodhouse, 10, Portland Square, 


"'A/ or 'An/ before note of number. Probably the 
scripture passage alluded to, but not quoted in the Twelfth 
Report, is Luke ix. 28, 'about an eight days after/ &c. — 
June, 1893. H. B. S. W." 

Certainly. The above is the passage referred to in the 
Twelfth Report. 

See also W. Som. Word Book, p. 1. 

" Angle - twitch = the common earthworm (J. A.). A 
variant of Angle-titch. (Dialect of Hartland, p. 24.) From 
Carew's Survey of Cornwall, p. 26, I take 'His baites are 
flies and Tag-wormes, which the Cornish English terme 
Angle-touches.'— June, 1894. R. P. C." 

The same as angle-dog, see Eleventh Report, but an older 
form, by no means Cornish in any other sense than as English 
spoken in Cornwall. 

Ang.-Sax. Angel-twecca ; lit " a hook-worm or worm used 
as a bait for fishing." 

Wright's Vocal., Zacontrapis, Angeltwecca ; Lubricus (read 
Lumbricus), Angel twicca, ongeltwcecche; Lurribricus, renwyrm 
ud angeltwicce. 

See also Promp. Parv., Note, p. 12. 

This is a word of much interest, showing how original 
meanings become changed. Angel, or angle, originally in 
Ang.-Sax. meant hamus, a hook — hence the fifteenth century 
books on "fysshynge with an angle," and our modern word 


angling. In West Somerset, however, this meaning is 
completely lost; the twitch is dropped, which was always 
annexed to it, and only angle remains; this is now the 
ordinary term for an earthworm ; thus, what was the hook is 
now the name for the bait. See W. Som. Word Book. 

Twitch, or touch, in this sense seems only to have been 
used in the compound angeltwecca, and rather suggests the 
twisting or wriggling of the worm on the hook — from twiccian 
— whence our modern twick, or to twitch. See New Eng. Diet. 

" Bagavel, &c. In the Exeter Receiver-General's Accounts, 
for 1752, appear the terms : ' Bagavel, Chippingavel, Beltin- 
gavel, and Wheelage/— Dec, 1893. F. B. T." 

Bagavel is a word peculiar to the customs of Exeter. It 
was a tribute (Ang.-Sax. gafol) granted to the citizens by 
charter of Edward I. They had thereby the power of taxing 
all wares brought into the city for sale. The proceeds were 
to be applied to the repairs and general maintenance of the 
borough property. 

Of the meaning of gavel in all these words there is no 
doubt. We have gafol, gafolgilda, gafolrand, gaful, and 
gafule in Ang.-Sax. (Wright's Vocab.), all meaning tax or 
tribute ; but the first syllable is not easily, nor certainly, to 
be explained. It is probably bag ; i.e. bag-gafol, which 
would imply an impost upon every package of goods of 
whatever kind, for bag signified not only a sack, but a bundle, 
a pack, a chest. (See New Eng. Diet.) It is probable that 
the city accounts of this tax, if accessible, would throw light 
upon this point. Judging from analogy, the obvious meanings 
of Chippingavel and Beltingavel show that the object taxable 
was expressed by the first syllable. It is therefore safest to 
accept the simplest explanation, if reasonable. At the same 
time it is not to be taken as certain, because similarity of 
sound makes the meaning apparently obvious. After all, it 
might turn out (though not likely) to be boc-gafol; i.e. tribute 
payable according to book, otherwise according to a settled 

a Bairge = the top face or outer edge of a gable. A mason, 
aged about 50, was heard to say, ' Us shall foace vor ha* a 
new bairge refter avore us kin putt the roof to rights/ (J. C.) 
The ' bairge refter ' is the rafter outside the wall. The word 
' bairge ' is, I think, generally applied to the ' wads ' or 
bundles (called 'bairge wads') to which the thatch of a 
house or stack is secured at the gables by 'spears' (spars) 
or otherwise. It is also used by itself, as in the sentence, 

D 2 


' Bring the thatch well down over the bairge.' — August* 1894 
R P. C. 

Except for pronunciation, this word can hardly be con- 
sidered provincial. 

" Bat = the strip of land between two trenches in a ploughed 
field, the ridge between two open furrows or ' all-vores.' 
J. T. H. informs me that his father used to put one sort of 
manure on one 'bat/ and another sort on the next. — June, 
1895. R P. C." 

In Somerset the word bat is applied to the corners or ends 
of the field, which cannot be got at by the ' zool* but have to 
be dug out with the * bisgy ' or two-bill. 

See W. Som. Word Book, p. 47. 

" Bias. A woman at Horrabridge expressed first her 
surprise at the writer's calling on her, as being a week before 
the expected time; and secondly, her disappointment that 
certain things she had expected to happen had not come to 
pass, and that moneys she had hoped to receive had not been 
paid, summing up the whole in the expression, 'It's all 
against my bias/ — June, 1895. H. B. S. W." 

This word, by no means uncommon amongst provincial 
speakers, is obsolete in literature, in the sense here used. 

This is fully dealt with in the New Eng. Diet., and the 
above phrase falls under section 4 : " Set course in any 
direction, ordinary 'way/ 

" From or out of the bias. Out of the way. 
" To pat out of or off one's bias. To put out, disconcert, 
confuse, put into disorder. Obs." 

Devon seems to have supplied the last writer who thus 
used the word, according to the New Eng. Did., but the 
present editor has a strong impression that Blackmore has 
written it in the above sense in one of his novels. 
" Yet novelty shall lead the world astray, 

And turn ev'n Bishops off from Wisdom's bias; 
A Mouse shall start the Lion of the day — 
Witness that miserable imp Matthias." 

Wolcott (Peter Pindar), Nil Admirari. 

" Black-butter = laver, or sea-lettuce, which is eaten as 
food. Informants, B. P. and others. — June, 1892. R P. C." 

Ulva latissima, and Ulva lactuca. Prior, Pop. Names of 
Brit. Plants. 

" In Glamorganshire, and some other parts, they make a 
sort of food of a sea-plant, which seems to be the oyster- 
green, or sea-liver-wort This they call laver-bread. Near 


St David's they call it Llavan, or Llawnan ; in English 
black-butter." Kennett (Lansdowne MS., No. 1033), Britten. 

From the above it is evident that the same name prevails 
on both sides of the Bristol Channel — but on which side it 
was first applied does not appear. The probability is that 
the name was carried from Devon to, or by, the English 
colony in Gower and Pembroke. 

Llavan, &c, is not in ordinary Welsh dictionaries. 

" Black-wobm = the black-beetle, or cockroach. (B. P.)— 
June, 1892. B. P. C." 

Hal. says this is black-bm in Salop, black-bobs in Berks, 
black-clock in Yorkshire, and black-worm in Cornwall. 

"Brads = the large nails formerly used by wheelwrights for 
securing the strakes of a cart-wheel to the felloes (pron. 
vellies). Informant, B. P. Same as Steert. W. Som. 
Word Book— June, 1892. E. P. C." 

" Bolt = a bundle. See Wolgar.— June, 1894. E. P. C." 
Hal. gives bolt in this sense as East. " A bolt of straw/ 1 

"Booby, Booby-wad = 1. — A bundle of rags used for smoking 
bees, to drive them away from the spot on which they swarm. 
Example — ' Make a booby- wad, Jan, and putt 'n up in tree 
vor zmauk the beggars out. 1 Informant, J. T. H. 2. — A 
bundle of straw used for setting fire to furze, peat, etc. 
Example — 'Light the booby, and us 11 zoon zet the vuz 
avire/ Informant, T. C— June, 1892. E. P. C." 

"Break. A rat was caught in the store-room, and the 
butler exclaimed ' She's broke the gin/ I thought he literally 
meant that the trap was broken, but found afterwards that 
broke was equivalent to ' sprung/ — Dec, 1893. F. B. T." 

This is one more use of the word, not to be found in the 
almost numberless and exhaustive list in the New Eng. Diet. 
The idea is of course derived from to break, in the sense of 
to change or alter the condition of continuity of any object. 
It is quite common to speak of a beam or a scale breaking 
when the article weighed "turns the scale," so the rat, having 
caused the lever of the gin to go down, broke the gin. 

"Broth. The following rhyme, given to me by T. C, well 
illustrates the use of this word as a noun of plural number : 

" ' When the broth be wit [white], 
They 'm fit ; 

When the broth be bowl'd [boiled], 
They 'm spowl'd [spoiled]/ 




This means that broth must not be allowed to boil, but must 
be served when a white scum forms on the surface ; that is, 
just before the boiling-point is reached. — June, 1895. RP.C." 

See W. Som. Word Book, p. 93. 

We always say " a few broth," rather than " a little." 

" Bull-wollopper = cattle-dealer. Abridged from The 
North Devon Herald of August 10, 1893: A certain local 
scribe was ' had ' a day or so ago by one of his friends. A 
certain young farmer, a non-smoker himself, coyly remarked 
that he could oblige him with an ounce packet of Wills' Best 
Honey-dew, if he would kindly accept. The servant, at her 
master's bidding, went to fetch from upstairs the precious 
weed. Presently, down came the maid with the famous red 
and gold package. A certain ' bull-wollopper ' happened also 
to be present, and his eyes were also enviously directed 
towards the packet. This being noticed by the generous 
quill-driver, he offered to share the contents, when the 
cattle-dealer's eyes gleamed and sailed round his head like 
the wooden horses at a steam -circus with delight. The 
packet being cut in two, was found to be a dummy, filled 
with sawdust. — R P. C." 

" By = of, or concerning ; ' Notannaby where/ Years ago I 
heard this compound word, or phrase, used as equivalent to 
Not that I know of. Is not the use of by for of in this, and 
in the commoner lengthened form, ' Not that I know by/ the 
same as in the passage in 1 Cor. iv. 4, ' I know nothing by 
myself/ &c. ? In looking at a copy of Elizabeth's Private 
Prayers, p. 42, I found a note — 'Lo all thynges be fulfilled 
that were spoken of the angel by the Virgyn Mari. Thanks 
be to GOD/ In the above sentence of and by are inter- 
changed. The Latin 'per Angelum de Virgine Maria/ Is not 
this really another instance rather of the old meaning of by ? 
Spoken of is of course also a Biblical phrase, equivalent to 
the modern spoken by. The Middle English Diet quotes, 
'Hit is awriten bi [of] him/ {Horn, i. 129.)— H. B. S. W." 

These several uses of by are by no means the same ; each 
one is treated separately in the W. Som. Word Book y but far 
better, and at greater length, in the New Eng. Diet. 

" Not that I know by " is the same as the more polished 
"Not that I know of"; i.e. concerning, or about. The same 
is implied in the sentence "by the Virgin," while the ex- 
pression "spoken of," immediately preceding, is a common 
form used in the early seventeenth century, where we should 
now say "spoken by." 


The expression, " by myself," in 1 Cor. iv. 4, and probably 
the quotation " that is awriten by him," mean about, in the 
sense of against, or prejudicial to. This use of by is 
extremely common: "You can't zay nort by her," "Never 
yeard nort by un," mean distinctly against her or his reputa- 
tion. Whether "awriten bi him" means this, or simply 
about him, can only be decided by the context 

"Chicket= cheerful. A farmer's wife, aged about 80, said 
twice in my presence, 'Her's a nice chicket woman/ 
apparently meaning cheerful. — August 8, 1893. R P. C." 

This is a good old English word, which ought not to be 
lost It is clearly an adjectival form of the older French 
noun chie. This latter appears to have been re-imported of 
late, and to be now considered as slang in English, because 
it has become so in French. 

The following might be modern Devon speech: "How 
blithe wast thou, how buxome, and how chicket." Boileau's 
Lutrin, I 335, A.D. 1682. (New Eng. Did.) 

" Comb vore. T. C. gives me the following explanation : 
'The comb vore is the last solid one, and is generally much 
smaller than any of the preceding ones. The all vore finishes 
the ridge or cut, and is ploughed a very little deeper than the 
preceding one, on the opposite side, which had been ploughed 
thinner on purpose, so the comb vore and all vore are both 
ploughed the same way, not in opposite directions/ — June, 
1895. R P. C." 

All vore is explained in the Seventh Report. Comb, in the 
West, generally signifies the highest part, or rather the ridge, 
as of a roof. In this latter sense it is so used in America — 
notably by Mark Twain. See W.Som. Word Book, p. 151. 

All Devon people understand the term by which customary 
ditch rights are limited, even in the Ordnance maps — 
" Three feet from the comb of the hedge." It is often a matter 
of discussion where this comb is precisely situated ; but it is 
generally considered to be an imaginary line on the top of 
the slope of the bank — by no means the centre of the hedge — 
many of which are double, and all have a comb on each side. 

The comb vore, or furrow, is a shallow one ploughed in the 
same direction, and next before the deeper all vore, in ploughing 
which latter the soil is turned up upon the smaller one, so as 
to make a good comb or ridge to the " bat," as it is called in 
North Devon. 

These farming-words are of the utmost interest, and ought 
to be carefully preserved. 


u CoRBUT = a deep tub, used for salting meat. It is similar 
to a Trendle (q.v.), but is smaller and deeper. (T. C.) From 
an account of a sale in 1868 I take : 

" ' Oak Corbut . . 12s. 6d.' 
—June, 1894. R. P. C." 

This is most probably written for corbet, i.e. corvet, a 
Devon form of cuvette. We have cuve for a vat, which we 
write in the West keeve, or kieve. Cf. St Niton's Kieva 
Hence a shallow vat may well have been called a cuvet, or 
corbet. See cuve, cuvette — New Eng. Diet. 

" Cracken = cracked. A farmer's wife, aged about 60, said 
to her servant, ' Don't bring the cracken dish.' I have heard 
others use the same expression. — June, 1892. R. P. C." 

This interesting form is a contraction of crackeden — an 
adjective formed from the p. participle, and is precisely 
analogous to "boughten" bread. It is not the participle 
itself, as in the strong verbs, such as stolen, broken, from steed 
and break. 

" Crumpetty. An old man, who has for years had a 
crippled leg, told me he always was obliged ' to lie crumpetty 
like.' I find Murray has ' crump ' in the sense of ' crippley,' 
etc., but not ' crumpetty.'— June 26, 1894. A. D. T." 

Crump conveys the idea of bent, crooked, as of an old man 
bowed with years. The suffix etty is a very common adjectival 
form, especially in the West. We have hopety, drinkety, 
taffety, and many others, while in literature we find fidgety, 
rickety, etc. 

" Dabrified = Flowers that were partly faded, I have often 
heard called ' dabrified.'— June, 1893. H. B. S. W." 

This is, of course, daverified or become davered. See 
Eleventh and Twelfth Reports. 

" Dag = a cutting, generally of withy, for planting in 
hedges, etc. Example : ' I shall plant th' 'adge wai' withy 
dags.' Informant : J. T. H.— June, 1892. R. P. C." 

See Barnes' Dorset Glossary "A small projecting stump 
of a branch." 

In Somerset, dag is mostly used with end as an adjective, 
meaning the pointed or straightest end — as the dag-end of a 
sheaf, or of a faggot. 

" Done to Jouds. A workman, complaining that the meat 
provided for his dinner was overboiled, remarked, 'Why, 'tis 
all done to jouds.'— June, 1893. H. B. S. W." 

Hal. gives jowd, a jelly, Devon ; jowds, rags, Devon. 


" Dummel. In Jefferies' Toilers of the Field, page 95, there 
is a passage descriptive of the farm labourer who, ' about six 
or half-past (he) reaches home thoroughly saturated, worn 
out, cross, and dummel. This expresses the dumb, sullen 
churlishness which such a life engenders.' — H. B. S. W." 

Not Devonshire. 

" Frith. In a lease for 99 years, determinable upon three 
lives, made by Marshall Ayer, of Venottery, 21 May, 30 Car. 
IL, occurs the provision that on the death of each life a 
sum of 30s. is to be paid by way of heriot or ' farlien.' The 
same lease also provides that the lessee is to have ' fireboote, 
frith, and stakes ' without waste. What does ' frith ' mean 
here ?— May, 1895. 0. K." 

Usually called vreth. Young underwood or brushwood. 
Suitable for wreathing, or, as we call it, raddling. In Sussex 
this is called Frith. See Parrish, Sussex Gloss.; also W. 
Som. Word Book, s.v. Vreath. 

" Graveun = the spawn of salmon. From The North Devon 
Herald of 18th Jan., 1894 : ' A Barnstaple net-fisherman 
writes: Will any one of the Taw Protection people also 
answer me as to whether the rod-and-line gentlemen do not 
destroy more salmon in March and April by catching what 
they call "salmon fry" by the basketful than any forty boats 
and nets destroy in two years?' 'Salmon fry* is what is 
commonly called ' salmon gravelling. 9 — B. P. C." 

" Hedge-tacker = a repairer of hedges. (Pron. adge-tackeO 
Informants : T. C. ; B. P.— June, 1892. E. P. C." 
This is hedgfrrtaker, i.e. undertaker. 

"KNUCKS = the game of knuckle-bones, frequently played 
with winkle shells (called wrinkle shells, locally). Informant : 
J. T. H.— June, 1892. E. P. C." 

" Larch = to awake (?). The local rhyme about the cuckoo 
is as follows : — 

" • In March 'a begin'th to larch ; 
In April 'a zoun'th his bell ; 
In May 'a zing'th both night an* day ; 
In June 'a alter'th his toon ; 
And in July away 'a dith vly.' 

"What the meaning of larch is, nobody seems to know; the 
word may be a mere jingle to rhyme with March. Informants: 
T. C, and others. 


" The following Devonshire variants are given in NorthaH's 
English Folk-Rhymes, p. 267 : — 

" * In March, the guku beginth to sarch ; 
In Aperal, he beginth to tell ; 
In May, he beginth to lay* etc. 
"And p. 269: 

" ' In March, he sits upon his perch, 9 etc. 
—April, 1893. R. P. C." 

The above three versions prove that the word rhyming 
with March is an indefinite quantity. To lurch is quite as 
good, if not better than perch, because it is more expressive, 
to lurch being in its oldest form to lurk, or lie in wait 
Hence the cuckoo waits in March before he sings. 

"Larra. The Receiver-General of Exeter's Accounts for 
1752 have— 

" « M r Sam 1 Di y -k* 1 ™ 

M.&am.uix 5Q4 at6 d prLarra £12 12s. 0d.' 

"The above is on a page headed 'Racks in the Great 
Shelly/ I find Hal. gives ' Laras, any round pieces of wood 
turned by the turners. Devon.* Possibly, therefore, Larras 
may have some connection with this, and may refer to 
spindles or framework, or some implement used in serge- 
making. Mr. Campion, however, suggests that it is connected 
with arras = tapestry, and that they paid 6d. for each piece of 
serge.— Dec, 1893. F. B. T." 

In the above connection this is a well-known technical 
word. A rack for stretching cloth, of the kind used in the 
last century, and to this day when the cloth is dried out of 
doors, consists of three parts — 

1. The " posts " at regular intervals, fixed in a straight line 
in the ground. 

2. The " pollsheets " are fixed horizontally upon the top of 
the posts, having a continuous line of rack or tenter-hooks 
to hold the upper edge of the cloth. 

3. The " larras," or movable bars, jointed together between 
each upright, so that they can slide up or down upon the 
post. A rack-larra is always of oak, about 7 ft. 6 in. long, 
and sawn about 5 in. square. There is a corresponding row 
of hooks in the larras, and when the wet piece is in its place, 
the larras are forced down with a lever until the cloth is of 
even width and of the required breadth. It remains in the 
rack until dry. 

The separate bars or shuttles of a gate or stile are called 
larras. See Sixth Report ; also TV. Som. Word Book. 


" Lizzum = a stripe or streak (?). Whilst picking snails out 
of the crannies in his garden wall, B. P. said, 'There's a 
proper lizzum o' mun.' T. C. informs me that a Dorsetshire 
labourer used to speak of corn being sown in lizzums, mean- 
ing in stripes or streaks. — June, 1892. R P. C." 

A lissum is usually one of the strands of a rope ; hence a 
line ; hence a straight row. 

Hal. has Lissum — a narrow strip of anything. Somerset 

"Looking from under Brent Hill. From Notes and 

Queries, 8th S. iii. 433 : ' It strikes me that " looking from 

under Brent Hill" is the very opposite of the "sullen, frowning 

[look] of one in ill humour." " Brent " means without a 

wrinkle. Thus, of John Anderson, in his palmy days, Burns 

says, " his locks were like the raven " and his " bonnie brow 

was brent" (without a wrinkle). Gazing from "under Brent 

Hill" is looking fondly at another, as a loving person does 

when he turns his eyes upwards and gazes in silent admiration. 

In what Milton calls " heavenly contemplation," child angels 

and saints so gaze with upturned eyes.' — See Thirteenth 

Report, p. 16. R. P. C." 

u Maiden's ruin = the herb southern- wood, more commonly 
known as Boy's love (J. A.).— June, 1894. K. P. C." 

This plant, Artemisia Abrotanum, is known by many names 
— Britten gives the following: Apple-riennie, Averoyne, 
Boy's Love, Kiss-me-quick-and-go, Lad Savour, Lad's Love, 
Maiden's Ruin, Maid's Love, Old Man, Old Man's Love, 
Overenyie, Slovenwood, Smelling-wood, Southern-wood. 

"Martin heifer. See last Report, 1893. 'The Breeding 
°f Cattle. — I find from long experience that in pairs of 
calves (male or female), the heifer is what we call a martin 
heifer, and never breeds by any chance.' From Field and 
fireside, Nov. 3, 1893.— F. B. T." 

Pairs in the above, of course, means a twin male and 

u Michard = a truant (rhymes with Richard). A gentleman 
°f Bratton Clovelly, aged about 50, tells me the following 
Ayme was in use at Northmolton some years ago : 

" ' Blackberry michard, 
Blueberry snail, 
All the dogs in the town 
Hang to thy tail.' 

R is noticeable that in the rhyme the final d is always 
pronounced, as in liard, scholard, etc., but in ordinary talk it 
^1 think, generally dropped. A 'blackberry michard' is, 


of course, one who stays away from school to pick black- 
berries ; but what is a ' blueberry snail ' ? The following 
quotation from Shakespeare is given in the W. Som. Word 
Book, under Meecher : 

' Falstaff. Shall the blessed sun of heaven prove a micher 
and eat blackberries ? ' 1 Henry IV. ii 4. — Oct. 1894. 
R. P. C. 

The final d is here the point of most importance, making 
a peculiar feature of Western speech. To many syllables 
ending in I, n, r, it is added, as in the above, and in " bout o' 
vine mild yer-vrom"; also in tailder, fineder, vurder (the 
latter preserved in the literary further), zoonder, etc. On 
the other hand, we find the d frequently dropped when 
following the same liquids in words belonging to literary 
English — "Pint o' miT ale" is a curious but unvariable 
instance, while child, wild, field, yield, scald, emerald, old, 
fold, scold, land, hand, hound, find, and many others always 
drop the d when spoken in our vernacular. On this see 
W. Som. Word Book, p. 178 ; and caudal for coed or cau'd, 
under Nattled (post). 

The word itself is one of the commonest in old literature ; 
it originally meant a petty, sneaking thief, and its use to 
signify a truant is of comparatively recent date. See W. Som. 
Word Book, s.v. Meeching ; also Twelfth Keport. 

Blueberry -snail cannot be explained except as a foil to 
Blackberry michard. These rhymes are often mere words 
without meaning — comp. Larch (ante). 

" Mure = barrel-stand. J. A., a Bideford tradesman, aged 
55, informs me that his father always used this word. I 
find it in a valuation made in 1836; it comes under the 
heading * Dairy/ between the entries ' trundle ' and ' corbut.' 
A more usual word is jib. June, 1894 R P. C." 

" Mushelrooms = mushrooms. From The North Devon 
Herald of October 19, 1893 : ' It was amusing, too, to hear a 
round-faced, pudding-headed youngster yell out to us as we 
passed through the village afterwards, " I zay, maister, how 
much du'e ax vor yer mushelrooms a pound ? " ' — R P. C." 

This word is very commonly pronounced with three 
syllables by country-folk, and they have less corrupted the 
French moumron than the polite people who as usual laugh 
at them. In Mid. Eng. the word was written as a trisyllable. 

Muscheron — toodyshatte. Promp. Parv. 

Mouscheron — a mushrome. Cotgrave. 

See W. Som. Ward Book, p. 495. 


u Nadgebs = the boys' game of nicking or notching pocket- 
knives by striking their edges together at right angles. The 
usual namc^June, 1892. K. P. C." 

This word is a contraction of in or on-edgers. The 
insertion of final r is very common. Comp. legger, toer, as in 
the legger field — war* leggers ! war* toers ! 

Upon this r, see W. Som. Dialect, p. 20. 

w Nakraway= Norway. J. A. informs me that Norway 
stone is always spoken of as ' Narraway stone/ — June, 1894 
E. P. C." 

This insertion of a short a or y sound in dissyllables is 
very common, though peculiar to Devon and W. Somerset. 
Comp. Flop-a-dock, Eleventh Eeport; also W. Som. Word 
Book, p. 257. 

" Nattled = of sheep, etc., affected with liver rot, caudcd. 
(B. P.)— June, 1892. R. P. C." 

" Neggar = rogue, rascal (rhymes with beggar). This is a 
very common term of abuse at Hartland, and is used in such 
sentences as, 'Kom yur [come here], you young neggar!' 
'Th' oaT neggar wud'n gee ma wan bit.' Peter Pindar has 
the following : 

" ' I 'm tould, and I believe 't is true, 
There is not in Burdett's whole crew 

Dree honest men among mun ; 
Though carrin negers, mangy curs, 
Oh ! how I lang to comb their furs ! 
Oh, d — n it ! how I 'd thong mun ! 
" * They shud ha zom veow honest men, 
At least 'bout one or two in ten ; 

But, zounds 1 they 've none at all — 
And if we sarch the crew all round, 
Lord, Lord ! what iz there to be vound, 
Examine gert and small ? ' 

— Middlesex Election, Letter v., st. 14, 15. 
" Has the word any connection with assneger, which seems 
to be the Cornish and Devonshire form of the assineyo of 
Elizabethan writers ? Peter Pindar uses this word also : 
" ' Horses and mares, assnegcrs, movies.' 

— TJu Royal Visit to Exeter, part i, stanza 4. 

"The word neggar, however, may be only the local 

pronunciation of niggard or nigger. — October, 1894. E. P. C." 

This has nothing to do with assneger. 

The second example given above completely explains it, to 

be niggard, %.e. stingy (chicfie, taquin, eschars, caqueduc, 


Cotgrave). From this we get our commonest of sayings, 
" Too near to be honest," and hence, as above, it is used as a 
synonym for thief. 

Originally this word was nygun in Mid. Eng. 

"And was swy\e coveytous, 
And a nygun and avarous, 
And gadred pens vnto store, 
As okerers done ayrhorc" 
— A.D. 1303, R. Mannynq of Brunne. (" The Tale of 
Pers the Usurer") "Handlyng Synne," 1. 5577. 
" My brother is a nyggoun, I swer by Ohristes ore" 

— Coke's Tale of Gamelyn, 1. 323. 

The change of un into ard is due, according to Skeat, to 
French influence, and we can fix an approximate date to the 
change, from the fact that Chaucer uses the word in both old 
and modern forms — as above, and in — 

11 For nygart never with strengths of honde 
May vnjnne gret lordschip or londe." 

— « Romaunt of the Rose," 1. 1175 ; also 1. 5376. 
"Nay, doubteles ! for, al-so God me save, 
So parfite joie may no nygard ne have" 

— " Troylus and Cryseyde," 1. 1329. 

" Niggelling. I have often heard the conduct of a person 
who was very particular about the expenditure of trifling 
sums, and who might almost be called mean, described by 
this word, 'So-and-so has such niggelling ways/ — June, 1893. 
H. B. S. W." 

Niggling is good English in the sense here given. No 
doubt, it is a verbalised form of niggard — to niggle is to be 
a niggard. 

" Nornigig or Nornigging. In The North Devon Herald, 
Oct. 4th, 1894, is an account of an interview with a former 
North Devon journalist, from which I extract the following : 

'There was one word I didn't find in it (Mrs. Hewett's 
Peasant Speech of Devon), and that is " nornigig." ' 

1 But what is the meaning of nornigig ? ' 

'I 'm sure I don't know; perhaps Mrs. Hewett can tell you. 
But I will tell you under what circumstances I heard the 
word. A good dame, in a village not far from Barnstaple, 
had boiled down some lard, and put the gruels in the oven. 
Her husband came in with the firewood, and at once threw 
it into the oven to dry. Then his wife gave him the length 
of her tongue, and among other phrases she applied to him 
was that of " a nornigging gert lout." ' 


" Perhaps some of your readers will be able to give you the 
derivation of the word. 

" From The North Devon Herald of 8th Nov., 1894 : 

"'I wish/ Mrs. Hewett remarks, 'to write in reply to his 
question about the word nomigig. I never heard that word. 
I believe he must have misspelt it; or, perhaps, did not 
catch the correct pronunciation. There is norting used in 
the sam e sense, thus : 

" ' "Yii norting gert twoad" (or "towad" or some such term 
of endearment/)— October, 1894. E. P. C." 

" ' Norting = empty-headed ; stupid, careless, good-for- 
nothing, etc/— E. P. C." 

"PiLER = an implement, formed like a gridiron, with a long 
upright handle, and used for cutting off the beard or awn 
(locally zears or ties) of barley. (J. A.) — June, 1894. E. P. C." 

To pile is by no means uncommon, in the sense above 
used, and hence the name of the instrument, oftener known, 
however, as the barley-stamp. 

" Ploizy = soft, weak, ready to fray out — applied to cloth, 
rope, or other fibrous material. Example, ' The clath is cruel 
ploizy trade; I reckon twan't laste no time 't all/ Informants : 
J. T. H., T. C, and others.— June, 1892. E. P. C." 

" Poke. In Plymouth one man was heard to call another, 
at some distance, to come to him. The second had an 
ordinary sack partly filled (with rags, &c), and was taking it 
up, when the first shouted, ' Never mind the poke/ and the 
other then left the sack where it was on the pavement, and 
went to his comrade. — June, 1895. H. B. S. W." 

This is a good old word not often heard in the West — so 
seldom, indeed, that although found in the dictionaries as 
literary English, we may well include it among our 

Ang.-Sax. Pocca — a pouch, poke, lag. 

Old French. Poque— old Norman diminutive poiupiette, 
whence our pocket 

The Ang.-Sax., according to Du Cange, was from the Low 
Latin pochia. 

Chaucer writes : 

" Certes were it gold, 
Or in a poke nobles al untold, 
Ye schul him have, as I am a trewe smyth." 

The Mtilere's Tale, 1. 581. 

Pooke, sacculus. 


Walette, seek, or poke, sistarcia — sarciunada, bisaccia. 
Promp. Parv. 

Poche, a pocket, pouch, or poke; also a meal-sack, or corn-sack. 
Acheter chat en poche, to bug a pig in a poke. Cotgrave. 

"Proverbs. T. C. informs me that 'Teach your grand- 
mother to lap ashes ' is a common variant of the well-known 
proverb, 'Teach your grandmother to suck eggs. 1 — June, 
1894. R. P. C." 

" Used in the South of Devon, and apparently as if ashes 
= hashes. R. N. W." 

"To go through the hoop. I was told to-day that a 
certain party who took some shares in a railway, in spite of 
warnings, had ' lived long enough to see his money had gone 
through the hoop. 9 The first shareholders never received any 
return, and, of course, their shares are practically worthless. 
—June, 1893. EL B. S. W." 

Hoop here doubtless signifies sieve, and so forms an 
obvious illustration. 

" Quat = quiet, dead, collapsed (rhymes with what). This 
is frequently used at Hartland in such sentences as ' Politics 
be a-go quat, I sim' (meaning that nothing is now heard of 

them), and ' Old is a-go quat ' (meaning that he has lost 

his position, either socially or financially, or, according to 
the common slang phrase, 'he has gone to pot'). — October, 
1894. R. P. C." 

The idea is that of quiescence, or going to sleep. 

Ducks and pigs, after a full meal, are said ' to go quat,' ix. 
to subside, to lie quiet. A good old phrase. See W. Som. 
Word Book, p. 604. 

" Ragg. The accounts of the Receiver-General of Exeter 
for 1752 have : ' Robert Penny a Cott and Ragg at Maudlin 
Millhead, in St. Sidwell's parish. , — December, 1893. F. B. T." 

This means strip (of ground). The ends of the " pieces " 
cut off by the Exeter clothiers were called rags ; in Somerset 
they are raps ; hence in Devon they applied their term to a 
strip or length -of anything — commonly of land ; here in 
Somerset we do the like, and " a rap o' ground," " a rap o* 
garden " are the usual phrases. 

" Ranch = to rinse. Example — ' Ranch out the milk-pans 
well/ Informant : B. P.— June, 1892. R. P. C." 

Ranch is the same as rinse, broadly sounded, probably 
from the influence of "to range," i.e. to sift by the same 
undulating motion of the " range," as is used to swill out the 


" Basparated = exasperated. Charwoman at Rockbeare, 
near Exeter, describing an occurrence, said, 'I was that 
rasparated,' &c— December 2, 1893. F. B. T." 

Too good an adaptation to be lost. 

"REGRATER=a person who buys poultry, butter, eggs, and 
porkers in the country, or in a provincial market, and re-sells 
them in the larger towns. (Pron. ray-grater.) T. C. informs 
me that two or three used to go from Woolsery to Plymouth 
weekly, and another friend (native of Bratton Clovelly, aged 
about 50) tells me that this name was given to the man 
who bought in Tavistock market, and re-sold in Plymouth 
market, either wholesale or retail. At Hartland this word 
has practically the same meaning as troacher. (See Thirteenth 
Report, p. 26.) Hal. and Wright give 'Regrater — a retailer 
(A. N.).'— October, 1894. R. P. C." 

Although not now common, this is perfectly good English 
for huckster, higgler. 

Cotgrave has, Eegrateur — an huckster, mender, dresser, 
scourer, trimmer up of old things far sale. 

LUtre — Eegrat — Vente en detail, &c. The same word is 
even found in Italian. Eigattiere — a huckster, petty dealer. 

" Re-neg = to fail to follow suit at cards, to revoke. ' He 
re-neg'd oaks (clubs) laste rounV (T. C.) — August, 1894. 
R P. C." 

Hal. has: " Reneg, to announce or call a suit at some 
games at cards." Devon. 

"Reve. In a case drawn for counsel's opinion by an 
Exeter solicitor, dated 10th October, 1806, a payment of 
2s. 8d. is claimed by the lord as chief-rent, but is stated to 
be due only in respect of a 'reve.' Counsel, in his reply, 
states that whether the sum was due as a chief-rent or for 
the 'rave 9 is a matter of fact to be settled by a jury. The 
yeoman to whom these documents belonged could not tell 
me what a 'reve 1 was, but instantly recognised the word 
1 rave ' as a familiar term for a swinging or suspended water 
gate.— May, 1895. 0. R" 

See Twelfth Report. 

" Shred of grass. The accounts of the Receiver-General 
of Exeter for 1752, p. 1, have : ' George Wills, one field near 
Carlos Cross for the shred of grass growing in the said field, 
containing about 4£ acres, called Culversland, formerly ffords, 
and the after mowth to Lady-day next for £5 10s. Od.' — 
December 2, 1893. F. B. T." 

This would now be shear of grass, meaning the main 

VOL. xxvn. E 


spring crop. The above is merely the use of the past 
participle instead of the present tense. 

" Snite = snipe. (J. A.) June, 1894. R P. C," 

"SpiLSHY = lean, thin. T. C. said to me, 'He's very 
spilshy, 1 and explained it by saying he supposed the word 
meant ' like a spilchard, or pilchard.' Of course, the letter s 
is sometimes prefixed to words in this way, as snotch for 
notch, splat for plot, squinch for quench, squat and quat, 
spize and pize, scrumple for crumple, scrawl for crawl, scrap 
and crap, etc.— 6th August, 1893. E. P. C." 

"Spring. The cook told me that she had weighed a 
turkey, and 'she sprung the scales at seven pounds and a 
half/— Dec, 1893. F. B. T." 

See Break, ante. 

" Stewer = the dust in a barn. (J. A.) The word is also 
applied to any commotion or disturbance : ' 'Ot a stewer 
thee 't a-makin' o', shoar nuff/— June, 1894. B. P. C." 

This is stir. 

" Strake = to stroll, to ' mooch.' Example, ' Looky to the 
lazy young beggar, W 'a straketh along/ Informant : T. C. 
This word occurs in Brither Jan's visit ta tha Crismiss Panty- 
mime, by W. Hare, p. 5 — 

" ' 'Bout hafF pas zix I straked down, 
An* zeed tha peeple stannin* roun' 
Tha doors/ 

—April, 1893. E. P. C." 
Hal., To go, to proceed, &c. 

The stormes straked vnth the wynde, 
The wawes to-bote bifore and bihynde. 

— Cursor Mundi (quot. by Hal.). 
Not to be found in the E. E. T.— Ed. 
The notion implied is that of the original strek — to stretch 
— like young cattle or dogs do when rising up from sleep. 
In Somerset we use the expression in "rake-out." 
See W. Som. Word Book, p. 610. 
See Cursor Mvmdi, E. E. T. t pt. i., 1. 940. 

"STRARE-PARK=the name of a field to which cattle were 
transferred from the Pound, when they were not claimed 
within a certain time. (T. C.) The 'keep* had to be paid 
for by the owner before the cattle were returned to him. 
Query. — Should not this be Stray-a-Park = park for stray 
cattle ?— June, 1894. E. P. C." 


This surely is Strayer-park, or paddock, for these are 
synonymous. Park is a very common second name for 
pasture fields; Broad-park, King-park, Stony -park are known 
to the writer. 

"TRENDLR=--a large, shallow, oval tub, made of wood or 
earthenware, and used for many purposes, chiefly for curing 
bacon. Sometimes called trundle. Both words are in 
common use. — June, 1894. B. P. C." 
Ang.-Sax. trendil. 

Mod. High Germ, trendil. (Stratmann.) 
Churchwardens' Accounts, Som. Bee. Society — 
" A.D. 1494. Item xxj trendy llys. (p. 119.) 

„ Payd for hopyng a trendelle of y e church iij d . 

(p. 135.) 
„ of hym for an old tryndell, vj d ." (p. 163.) 

The oval tub in which a pig is " scalded " is always called 
a trcndlc ; pronunciation of medial c, ad lib. 

"Troacher. (See Thirteenth Eeport.) The following 
extract shows that the particular meaning given by me is 
not confined to the locality of Hartland : 

" ' For a generation he had worked as a miner at Wheal 
Dusty ; and when the sea broke in and flooded the workings 
of the mine, he joined his wife in the business of trocher, 
which is to say, collector and retailer of eggs, poultry, and 
such-like produce of the country-side. And for the last ten 
years of his life he lived (as once he phrased it) upon the 
charity of God/ ( Wreckers and Methodists, by H. D. Lowry, 
London, 1893, pp. 203-4)— June, 1894. See Thirteenth 
Eeport. B. P. C." 

" Thorty = thoughtless, half-witted, stupid (th pronounced 
as in though, not as in thought). T. C. said, ' They '11 have a 
lopping old 'oss, and a thorty driver/ — August 6, 1893. 
E. P. C." 

The pronunciation suggests thwarty, i.e. cross-grained, left- 

"TuFFET = a tuft of rank grass. (B. P.) Same as mock, 
mop. W. Som. Word Book— June, 1892. E. P. C." 

This is only the local pronunciation of tuft. Western 
bucolic speech scorns difficult combinations like ft, bd, pt, 
&c., and so • inserts a " natural vowel," which may be 
represented in spelling by either a, e, i, o, or u indifferently. 

The alternative is to omit the offending dental consonant. 

Familiar examples of both uses are roun-topptd (round- 

topt), and right or lef. 

e 2 


" Vady = tainted, 'high/ applied to meat. Example — 
' I sim the mait 's got a bit vady.' Informant : B. P. — June, 
1892. E. P. C." 

Compare Eleventh Keport. 

Tainted meat is often the effect of damp. 

" Watertabling = the muddy soil cleared out of the 
gutters or 'water-tables' by the sides of the roads. From 
the Day-book of a Landcross farmer, I take : 

"'1850, Nov. 9. J.Ford. 
2 single horse-buts drawing watertabling . . 7s. Od. 
A man to help load . . . Is. 4d.' 

"In the Hartland Church Accounts, 1617-8, the term 
' water-tables ' is applied to the leaden gutters on the roof of 
the church : ' Paid John Saunder for one daies work 14d. for 
putting in water tables of lead and 2 other with hym 13d. 
the day the whole is 3s. 4d.'— June, 1894. E. P. C." 

" Wolgar, a variant of welger = the basket willow, or osier. 
(See Dialect of Hartland, p. 83.) T. C. informs me that this 
is the usual pronunciation in Landcross parish. I take the 
following entries from the Day-book of a Landcross farmer : 

" ' 1852, Mar. 9. Berry, 12 bolts wolgars at Is. Id. per bolt. 

" ' 1853, Apl. 13. Let Berry the wolgar plot, Is. a bundle 
next year, and £1 a year after Lady-day next/ — June, 
1894. E. P. C." 

The gar or ger, no doubt, means goar or rod — same as goad. 

Wol or wel is perhaps wil (d) ; hence the word would be 
simply wild-sticks, i.e. withies. 

"Zeary = threadbare. T. C. said, 'I don't know but what 
his trousers are getting zeary.' The word also means ill, 
seedy, as 'Her's cruel zeary to-day, maister.' — Aug. 6, 1893. 
E. P. C." 

Zeary and zeedy may be the same — t, d % and r, medial, in 
Devonshire lips are almost identical. The late Mr. A. J. Ellis 
persisted in writing taties with an r medial, from the present 
writer's pronunciation, oft repeated. 


Thirteenth Report of the Committee — consisting of Mr. 
P. F. S. Amery (Secretary), Mr. D. Ogilvie Evans, Rev. 
W. Harpley, Mr. P. Q. Karkeek, Mrs. Radford, Mr. J. 
Brooking Rome, Mrs. Troup, and Mr. H. B. 8. Woodhouse 
— appointed for the purpose of collecting notes on 
Devonshire Folk-Lore. 

Edited by P. F. S. Amery, Honorary Secretary. 
(Read at Okehampton, July, 1895.) 

The scraps of Devonshire Folk-Lore received by the Secretary 
since the last report are given below ; they chiefly refer to 
charms and prayers over the sick. The fragments of charms 
by a farmer's wife on the western side of Dartmoor are 
given as she wrote them out, and show the pronunciation in 
which they were uttered. The Rev. S. Baring-Gould 
contributes some strange superstitions, and a legend of 
S. Francom, the Brewers' patron ; and the Rev. S. G. Harris 
a funeral custom at Churston. A valuable collection has 
been received from Dr. R. Ackerley, M.A-, b.Ch. (Oxon.), who 
for five years practised in the neighbourhood of Dartmoor, 
in which he gives his experience of the superstitions of the 
country people in sickness. Several of the matters mentioned 
have been previously recorded; but as the dates and localities 
are authenticated, and the whole are given from a medical 
point of view, they are fully entered, as variations of interest 
may be discovered, by comparison, which should add to their 

Miss Saunders, of Southmolton, has furnished a list of 
sobriquets given by inhabitants of some parishes to their 
neighbours ; it is hoped this list will be extended. 

A veTy interesting confirmation of the traditiou of Lithwell, 


or Lidwell Chapel, recorded in the last report, which has 
come to light since it was presented at the Southmolton 
meeting, is also given, as it tends to illustrate the value of 
recording all such floating matter. 

Mr. Woodhouse sends some police-court cuttings, and the 
notice of the fatal result of a May-day custom. 

The Secretary, on behalf of the Committee, desires to 
thank all who have assisted him in collecting the various 
scraps here recorded. W. Harpley, Chairman. 

P. F. S. Amery, Secretary. 


TJie Legend of Lithwell Chapel. — In the last Eeport of this 
Committee (Trans. Devon. Assoc, xxvi. 81) the legend of 
Lithwell, Lidwell, or Ladywell Chapel, near Dawlish, was 
recorded by Mrs. Hewett. Since its publication, Mr. Worth 
has called attention to a curious confirmation of the main 
facts of the tradition on which the legend is founded. The 
full story will be found given in choice ecclesiastical Latin in 
# the first volume of Bishop Grandisson's Register, under date 
of May, 1329 (p. 493), published by the Eev. Prebendary 
Hingeston-Randolph, who has brought the wicked priest to 
light, although Mr. Worth is responsible for connecting him 
with the chapel. The culprit, Robert of Middelcote, after 
being more than a year in prison, prayed the Bishop that he 
might be excused for his bad conduct on due purgation. 
The Bishop appointed Thomas of Stonforde, senior, of 
Chagford, and Matthew of Crouthorn, bailiff of the liberty 
of Teygnemouthe Episcopi, as a commission, who on enquiry 
found that on Monday next after the festival of the 
Annunciation, 28th March, 1328, the said Robert had 
committed a rape upon a certain Agnes, daughter of Roger 
the miller, in the chapel of the Blessed Mary the Virgin at 
" la Wallen," which is evidently Lawallen or Lithwell. That 
on 27th April following he had broken into the house of 
Robert Rossel, at Fonhalle, in Wonford Hundred, and stolen 
3s. 4d. in money, fourpennyworth of bread, a horn worth a 
shilling, and three keys worth sixpence. Between whiles, 
after the feast of St. Ambrose — April 4th — he had robbed 
Walter Scoria of a couple of shillings, and also had robbed 
certain persons unknown, on the high road between Teign- 
mouth and Haldon, "inter Teygnmouthe et Montem de 
Hayeldowne " ; wherefore he is declared to be a common 
thief. The Bishop complied with the petition, on condition 
that the purgation should take place in a church, or other 


public spot. We are not told what became of Robert, but 
the legend attests the fact that he never redeemed his 
character in the public estimation. Though his name has 
long been lost, his evil memory has clung round Lithwell for 
more than five hundred years, to be now identified. 

P. F. S. A. 


In 1879 a farmer on the west side of Dartmoor, whose 
name I know, and also the name of his farm, having had 
sickness among his cattle, sacrificed a sheep and burned it on 
the moor above his farm, as an offering to the pysgies. The 
cattle at once began to recover, and did well after, nor were 
there any fresh cases of sickness among them. He spoke of 
the matter as by no means anything to be ashamed of, or 
that was likely to cause surprise. I do not, however, wish to 
give his name. S. Baring-Gould. 

At Ashreigney a few years ago, on the pulling down of a 
cottage, in the chimney was found a heart, diced up, covered 
with soot, and stuck full of pins. 

I remember about thirty-five years ago a case brought 
before my father, as magistrate, of a man who had put nails, 
hair, and flesh, stuck with pins, by night under a neighbour's 
doorstep. He was observed doing this, and the person whose 
doorstep had been tampered with desired to have a summons 
taken out against the man who had tried thereby to bewitch 
him. S. Baring-Gould. 

At Chittlehamholt was an old woman who had bewitched, 
or was thought to have bewitched, some neighbours, and sent 
them aches and pains. Those who believed themselves to 
have been bewitched got a toad, pierced it on a board that 
was balanced in the middle on a log, and then dealt a heavy 
and sudden blow at the end of the board opposite to that on 
which was the reptile. This sent the toad flying into the 
air into space, and where it came down was not seen. This 
was called "lifting the witch." The toad was supposed to 
represent her. My informant witnessed the proceeding, some 
fifty years ago. S. Baring-Gould. 

A woman of the name of Anne Abell lived in one of my 
cottages. She died in 1881, aged 82 years. She was reputed 
to be a " white- witch," and had full belief in her own powers, 
which she often assured me were always exercised for good. 
She had, it was believed, remarkable power in stanching 
blood, reducing swellings, and healing sores. On one occasion 


a man in mowing, at Kelly, cut his leg with the scythe. At 
once the farmer sent a kerchief, wet with the blood from the 
wound, by the hand of a man riding on his fleetest horse, to 
Mrs. Abell, who blessed the kerchief. At the same time the 
blood was stanched in the wound. S. Baring-Gould. 

In the Taw valley, at Eggesford, Burrington, etc., there 
exists a saying that the 19th, 20th, or 21st May, or three 
days near that time, are " Francimass " or "St. Frankin's 
days," and that then comes on a frost that does much injury 
to the blossom of apples. The story relative to this frost 
varies slightly. According to one version x there was a 
brewer, of the name of Frankan, who found that cider ran 
his ale so hard that he vowed his soul to the Devil on the 
condition that he would send three frosty nights in May to 
cut off the apple-blossom annually. 

The other version of the story is that the brewers in North 
Devon entered into compact with the Evil One, and promised 
to put deleterious matter into their ale on condition that the 
Devil should help them by killing the blossom of the apple- 
trees. Accordingly, whenever these May frosts come, we 
know that his Majesty is fulfilling his part of the contract, 
because the brewers have fulfilled theirs by adulterating 
their beer. According to this version, St. Frankin is an 
euphemism for Satan. 

Told me at Chawleigh and at Burrington, August, 1894. 

S. Baring-Gould. 

The Rev. S. G. Harris, Eector of Highweek, Newton 
Abbot, reports a tradition, current among the old people at 
Churston Ferrers, when he was curate there from 1856 to 
1861, that it had been the custom for funerals from the 
village of Churston, on proceeding by what was called the 
"lich" road to their ancient burial-ground at Brixham, to 
diverge from the said " lich " road near the commencement of 
it, and walk solemnly round a pile of stones, where it was 
supposed a cross once stood, near which religious worship 
was celebrated, or, as an old legend affirmed, where the 
church would have been built but for the interference of the 
author of evil. He has been unable to verify the tradition 
by the production of the date of the last observance; nor 
can he find any old person now living who remembers the 
practice. The only approach to a verification which he has 
been able recently to discover is the recollection of an old 
man of Churston parish, who has known the place for sixty- 
five years, and although he does not remember to have seen 


the pile of stones, and believes that the wall which blocks 
the access to the spot was built a great many years ago, he 
has heard the old folk talk of it when he was a boy. 


The following has been sent by a lady member of the 
Association, who writes: "The charms must, I think, be 
fragments of the originals. The Dartmoor farmer's wife, 
from whom we had them, said her mother had a book full 
of charms, from which she had copied these, having great 
faith in their efficacy. Some of the words are very curious, 
and the spelling of others is original. Absurd as these 
charms seem, the good woman used them with the greatest 
reverence, and evidently considered them as prayers to God ; 
indeed, one day she asked me whether the Bible did not tell 
us to pray to God for healing. I think she and ' faith 
healers/ who would have despised her, cannot be very far 
apart" P. F. S. A. 

Blessing for Strain. — As Christ was riding over cross a 
Bridge, his leg hee took and blessed it, and said thiss words : 

" Bone to Bona Sinnes to Sinnes. Vains to Vains." Hee 
blessed it, and it come hole again. 

In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the 
Holy Ghost Amen. 

Blessing for Enflammation. — Our dear Lord Saviour Jesus 
Christ hee sawe Joseph lying on the cold ground thy side- 
lese year. 

Joseph — I are stricken sordbolt, sordbolt, sordbolt, stricken 
stabing, pricking, aching ; I know not what to do. 

Our dear Saviour — Take up thy Bed and walk. 

Our dear Lord saw Jesus Christ and pailet sit at the gate 
of Jerusalem weeping. Faith I hope the Lord will Bless it 
to thee wherever it is. 

In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the 
Holy Ghost 

If any pursens body shall come oute, I have bine told 
that thiss is a shour cover for that Come Plant : 

You must go ware a man is dead ; you must have a Pice 
of is shroud tich the Dead body ; you must cote of a pice, 
shave it up to Lent, put it to the woond. Scet it in the body 
togeather the part of thiss shroud. You must put it in the 
grave way the dead body againe, so as thiss Body De Cayres 
so thiss Come Plant will haill up. 

From Southmolton. Charm for thorn in flesh. — Our 
Blessed savour Came Down from heaven, was pricked with 


a thorne, bis Blood went up to heaven again, his flesh Neither 

Kankered, Eankled, nor fustured, Neither shall thine N , 

in the name of father, &c, &c. Amen. H. S. 

Our Savour Christ was Prick with thorns, Never Eankled 

Never fustered, No more shant thine, Wm. P . Out of 

the Bone into the fleash, out of the fleash into the skin, out 
of the skin into the Earth, in the Name of the father, &c, &c. 
Amen. H. S. 

Charms and Superstitions Encountered in a Country 
Practice. Contributed by Dr. B. Ackerley, m.a., b.Ch. (Oxon.), 
who for five years (1889-1894) practised on the border of 

My first introduction to the superstitions of the West was 
a child brought to me from some distance, suffering from 
typical infantile paralysis of some months' duration. I tried 
to explain to the mother what had happened to the diseased 
muscles, and what could and could not be done for the child. 
The question she wanted me to answer was, " Had the child 
been overlooked?" In my ignorance I thought she meant 
" neglected," and tried to persuade her that she had apparently 
taken all proper care of the child. No ; she was convinced 

the child had been overlooked by a " nasty old ," whose 

husband and her own had quarrelled. In other words, the 
child had been " ill-wished," or affected by " the evil eye." 

I was at the same time attending a girl in a cottage 
hospital, in the second attack of perityphlitis. She got on 
very well, and after a lengthened stay in the hospital went 
home. About a week later, after an injudicious meal of 
pork and onions taken after a long walk, the girl had some 
return of the symptoms, and I took her into the hospital 
again. After a few days' rest and proper diet she was again 
discharged. Some months afterwards I learned the reason 
for this rapid recovery. A brother, in despair at his sister 
having, as he thought, a third attack of this mysterious 
disease, went over to a neighbouring town, and consulted the 
"White Witch." (Witches are not at all uncommon in 
Devonshire. Those I have heard of have always been men, 
and their function is not to bewitch people, but to relieve 
them from the effects of " ill-wishes " of others ; to remove, 
not to cast charms.) This white witch made a waxen image 
of the human shape, stuck pins into it, and then put it near 
a fire. The wax represented the person who had ill-wished 
or overlooked my patient, and as the wax melted, the evil 
influence was destroyed, the result being that the patient got 


very rapidly well. As on two occasions this girl had been 
ill for several weeks, it was obvious that her rapid recovery 
was due to the good offices of the white witch. 

Not only people, but animals were ill-wished. On one 
occasion a local pig had been taken in to fatten ; but after 
five or six weeks' feeding, the pig was thinner, not fatter. 
Cherchez la femme ! What woman had overlooked the pig ? 
In a neighbouring cottage lived a patient of mine. She was 
a stranger to the district, peculiar in appearance, and was on 
bad terms with the owner of the pig; therefore it was obvious 
that she was the culprit, and accordingly she was for some 
time subjected to various forms of annoyance, and, I think, 
to assault. Now, among the causes of this woman's peculiar 
appearance was a condition of extreme nystagmus. On the 
first occasion that I attended her, I endeavoured to get a 
history of the condition of her eyes, and I got it. "Her 
mother were overlooked in church afore her were born." 
The ill-wisher of the pig had herself been overlooked, even 
before she began a separate existence. 

Cases of ill-wishing were many. Even guardians of the 
poor, and members of school boards, were, at any rate in 
their own opinion, affected in this way. 

A labourer and handy-man employed on a large estate had 
lost his first wife by drowning. She had suffered from 
melancholia, and was found dead in a shallow pit of water. 
Two years after he married again. Two or three months 
after marriage this second wife became melancholic, and 
after a month had to be removed to an asylum. He himself 
was dyspeptic, and was always in low spirits. Was it not 
obvious that there must be some evil influence at work ? At 
a lodge on the estate lived an old woman, herself full of 
ancient history and superstition, garrulous, inquisitive, and 
possibly not very fond of this man ; but in no sense 
malicious, or even ill-natured. Still, she was in appearance 
just the woman who might do such deeds, and she was at 
once selected as the ill-wisher of the man and his two wives, 
and at times the man was so convinced of her having 
bewitched him, that he used threats about her, and possibly, 
had it not been for the influence of his master and others, 
and the danger of losing a good place, harm might have 
befallen the innocent old lodge-keeper. In this case the 
superstition prevented the removal of the melancholic patient 
to an asylum for two or three weeks after I had advised 
removal, and very nearly led to a breach of the peace. 

One day I was sent for to see, at once, a man who had 


been taken into a Cottage Hospital. He had been engaged 
in hauling a heavy block of marble with a crane, when 
owing to some part of the apparatus giving way, the handle 
revolved with great force and struck him on the inner side 
of the leg, just above the knee. On examining him, I found 
that the handle had passed through the back of the leg 
between the blood-vessels and the femur, carrying with it a 
piece of the trousers and their lining, and pushing before it, 
but not piercing, the skin on the outer side of the leg. The 
bone was uninjured, as also were the vessels. It seemed 
impossible for such an accident to happen without injury to 
the vessels, and I naturally inquired at once about hemorr- 
hage. They said that it began to bleed u terrible," but he 
" said a prayer to it," and that stopped it He would not 
tell me the prayer — a man must not tell a man — but he 
told the matron of the hospital, and she told me. It is 
from Ezekiel xvi. 6 and 9. An old Devonian, who is a 
thorough believer in " all charms and prayers," has recently 
given the full directions how to work this charm. The 
words are: 

"And when I passed by thee" (here give the name of the 
person in full) " and saw thee polluted in thine own blood, I said 
unto thee, when thou wast in thy blood, Live; yea, I said unto 
thee when thou wast in thy blood, Live.' Then washed I thee 
with water ; yea, I thoroughly washed away thy blood from thee, 
and I anointed thee with oil. In the name of the Father and of 
the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen ! Amen ! Amen ! " 

He goes on, "A little while ago my wife's nose burst a- 
bleeding in the night, a stream. She called me to say the 
prayer, so I caught hold of my own nose and brought in her 
name. It very soon stopped. When the person is bleeding 
put your thumb at the same place and say the name." Is 
not this evidence conclusive? All hemorrhages will stop 
after the prayer is used ! I have heard of wonderful opera- 
tions where the hemorrhage was arrested by an old woman 
using the charm. 

Saying a prayer to a disease or a diseased part is a very 
common mode of cure; it is often, if not always, accompanied 
by " striking " or touching the affected part, with or without 
oils or other medicaments. For instance, every skin disease 
among my poorer patients was at first considered to be " the 
erysipelas," pronounced " arisapilus," and, as a rule, prayer 
and striking had been resorted to before a doctor was con- 
sulted. The prayer for this disease is : 


" Now come ye to the Lord of the land, Barney Fine. Barney 
Gout shall die away under a blackthorn, with red cow's milk and 
black wooL In the name," &c, &c. 

And my directions are, " Get a little milk, from a red cow if 
you can, and while striking say the prayer three times, and 
strike it around with the sun." 

(N.B. — A man must give this prayer to a woman, and a 
woman to a man.) 

The kind of logic of those who believe in charms is 
beautifully shown by a patient who came to me with varicose 
eczema of both legs. He received what I thought was 
appropriate treatment, and used it for a few days ; he then 

told me that A B had told him it was not eczema, 

but " the erysipelas ; and if it *s the erysipelas no doctors can 
cure it, so I '11 say a prayer to it, and it will get well." He 
promised to come to me again if it did not get well, and in a 
fortnight or so up he came again. He had said a prayer to 
it every morning — the "Barney prayer" — and it was no 
better ; therefore it was not the erysipelas, and he would let 
me try to cure it ! 

A scald or burn is also prayed for. 

"Two angels came from the West, one brought fire, the other 
brought frost. Out Fire, in Frost, by the Father, &c, &c. Amen! 
Amen! Amen!" 

(Put your thumb on the scald, and say the prayer three 

A child scalded his throat severely by drinking out of a 
kettle. The prayer was said more than three times without 
effect, as the child died. 

I was regarded as a butcher because I wanted to perform 
tracheotomy. A "mother of twelve" declared she "would 
rather see them all die than let a doctor cut the throat of 
any one of them." 

After erysipelas, the disease most prayed or struck for was 
"king's evil." Judging from the way the term is used on 
and about Dartmoor, " king's evil " must have been the term 
applied to a number of different affections of a chronic 
character. Touching for " king's evil " was of course at one 
time very common, and there is the historic case of the 
touching of Dr. Johnson when a child. About Dartmoor 
the most effective striker is the seventh son of a seventh son, 
necessarily a somewhat rare person. I know two ; one was 
affected with chronic jaundice ; he could not cure himself, 
but he could cure others of all sorts of complaints. 


About 1889, a girl was brought to me with a very small 
patch of lupus on the left side of the nose. I wished to 
treat it radically, but was not allowed. Two years later I 
saw her again. The disease then involved the left side of 
the nose, the septum and whole of the margin of the right 
ala. They then consented to treatment by scraping, with 
very good result. Between the two visits to me she had 
been charmed in all sorts of ways. At ten p.m. on a 
particular night in the week, for weeks together, she had 
been struck by my jaundiced friend, Septimus Septum ; she 
had worn a blessed sixpence round her neck, and also in a 
silken bag a dried toad's leg. Prayers innumerable had been 
said, but the " king's evil " had not been arrested. 

Cures for whooping-cough, epilepsy, etc., are plentiful 
enough. Consumption can be cured by striking with a piece 
of a hempen rope with which a man has been hanged, so 
that ropes used by suicides have a marketable value, and are 
sold in inch lengths. The case in which I came across this 
was where a man had hanged himself with a rope in his 
barn. The father of the man had hanged himself with a 
rope made of twisted brambles. I forget whether the latter 
rope had any value. 

A cure for hernia is to split a tree — an ash-tree is, I 
believe, the best — and pass the ruptured child through the 
ruptured tree. The tree is then bound round, and if the two 
parts grow together the rupture will be healed. I have seen 
a child so treated, and a tree that has been used for another 
child. The prevalence of these charms and superstitions 
shows the general attitude of the mind of the people, and 
no man whose experience is limited to the wards of hospitals, 
or practice in large towns, can have any idea of the difficulties 
experienced by medical men in remote country districts, 
especially the western counties of England. It. A. 


The following appeared in the Western Morning News of 
July 17th, 1894 : 

"There is at least one Bideford man who believes in witches 
and witchery. He was charged yesterday with using bad language, 
and it transpired that the cause of his forgetting himself was the 
appearance of one of two women who, he is under the impression, 
are bewitching him. The man appeared with a shade over his 
eyes, and his fixed belief is that the women are evilly controlling 
his eyesight. When he had been fined and admonished for using 
the language complained of, he remarked that the constable would 


have done better to have removed the woman — presumably to 
negative her witching powers. That a person of respectable 
position and fine physique should become possessed of such a 
hallucination in these days seems incredible, but there is too much 
reason to suppose that belief in the 'evil eye 1 is far from being 
exterminated in Devon. In the present case there may be other 
causes operating on the man which prepare the ground for the 
strange belief which has possessed him, and it will be awkward, 
both for himself and the supposed ' wise women/ if his hallucina- 
tion becomes stronger as time goes on. 11 H. B. S. W. 


The following appeared in the Western Morning Netas of 
30th December, 1890 : 

M Yesterday, at the Ivybridge Police-court, Beatrice Small, who 
described herself as a ' poor single woman, with six little children, 1 
was charged with obtaining money and goods from John Masters, 
at Aveton GifFord, under false pretences. Prosecutor stated that 
on the 13th inst. he was at work in a field when prisoner came by 
and asked if there was a house near, and he replied that his home 
was near. She accompanied him home, and told him he was a 
lucky man, as he had a fortune coming to him, and if he would 
give her ten shillings she would get it. He said he had no money 
but money's worth, referring to some poultry, and she then asked 
for two fowls, which he gave her. He afterwards gave her three 
shillings, but she told him that he must get two shillings more, 
and she would call for it next day (Sunday). She did call, and 
he gave her two shillings. On the following day she came again, 
and said the expense of obtaining the fortune (which was £250) 
would be £5 more, and she would pay part and be repaid by him, 
and that she and a lawyer would get his fortune by the following 
Friday. Believing her tale, his wife borrowed £1 from her father, 
and gave it to the prisoner. Next day she again came to his house 
and said she wanted another five shillings and a bag of potatoes. 
He had only half a-crown, which he gave her, and also a bag of 
potatoes. She inquired his name, age, birthplace, and place of 
baptism, as well as his wife's age and birthplace, and then gave 
him a small cloth bag of salt to wear inside the seat of his trousers, 
and he was to keep it all a great secret, ' because it was a very 
particular and difficult business.' Prosecutor produced the bag, 
which was about two inches in length, and which he said he had 
worn in his trousers for a day (loud laughter) ; and then, hearing 
that the prisoner, and her people, and their tent, had all disappeared, 
he went to the magistrate, who advised him to take out a warrant 
The total amount he gave prisoner in cash and value in fowls was 
£3 2s. 6d. 

" Sarah Masters, wife of the prosecutor, gave corroborative evi- 
dence, adding that prisoner told her she would ' work ' witness in 


luck as well as her husband. She also gave her a little hag as a 
charm to wear inside the band of her petticoat (laughter). 

" Prisoner denied first approaching the prosecutor, and said Mrs. 
Masters came to her and asked her to come to the house and 
advise her what to do, 'as her husband was in love with two 
young women, and she wanted to know who they were.' 

" The Bench committed prisoner for trial at the Exeter Quarter 
Sessions; and afterwards heard a similar charge, involving a promise 
of £240 and a house, which prisoner told a Mrs. Mortimore (also 
of Aveton Gifford) she could get for her. Prosecutrix was induced 
by these representations to part with a half-sovereign and three 
fowls. Prisoner was also committed for trial on this charge." 

H. B. S. W. 


Among the May-day customs still lingering in Devonshire 
is that of throwing water over persons, especially strangers, 
from which the day is termed ducking-day, Mr. Elworthy 
(The Evil Eye, p. 62) suggests the custom to be a survival 
of the invocation of the rain spirit of ancient times. As 
this custom is now likely to cease, owing to the lamentable 
accident at Loddiswell, its observance on the occasion is 
worthy of record. 

The following is an account of the trial at the Exeter 
Assizes, June, 1894 : 



"William John Luscombe, 13, and Samuel George Hine, 16, 
were indicted for the manslaughter of Dr. Alfred Hughes Twining, 
at Loddiswell. Hine pleaded guilty, and Luscombe not guilty. 
Counsel for the prosecution stated that this was a miserable sort 
of case. These two boys, who, for anything he knew, were very 
respectable, were charged with manslaughter. In that part of 
Devonshire in which the prisoners lived there was an idiotic 
custom practised on the 1st of May, called * ducking - day,' of 
throwing water over people. The prisoners, with others, amused 
themselves on the evening of that date in throwing water over a 
fence on to a road some distance below, where there was a passing 
carriage, containing the late Dr. Twining and Dr. Hellier, who 
were being driven by a servant. The water thrown over the fence 
frightened the horse, which collided with a fence. More water 
was thrown, with the result that the horse started off, the carriage 
was turned over, and its occupants were thrown out. Dr. Twining 
sustained an injury to his ankle, which, a few days later, necessitated 
the amputation of the leg at the thigh. As the outcome of that 
amputation, the doctor died. The learned Judge again expressed 
the opinion that there was no case against Luscombe, whom the 
jury found * Not guilty.' His Lordship : What is to be done with 



the elder boy 9 I have no power to order him a whipping. It 
would be utterly wrong to send the boy Hine to prison. He 
would be discharged on his own recognizance of £5, and his 
father's surety of £5, to come up for judgment when called upon." 

H. B. S. W. 


Sobriquets given by the inhabitants of certain parishes to 
their neighbours. The people of 

Ashreigney (Kingsash) 




Bishop's Nympton 

















Holcombe, near Teignmouth 

Hollcombe Bogus 

High Bickington 


King's Nympton . 



North Molton 

vol. xxvn. F 


Taties (potatoes). 



Brags, or Bone-pickers. 

Horniwigs (plovers). 

. Chugy-pigs. 
. Owls. 

. Cocks. 

. Kerton Bloody-backs ; on 
account of the bull- 
fights which were 
formerly held there ; 
for when the dogs were 
tossed, their owners 
used to receive them 
on their backs. 
. Hens. 

. Boars. 

. Hags. 
. Ducks. 
. Geese. 


. Bags. 
. Bogues. 
. Pretty Maids. 
. Candlesticks. 
. Stags. 
. Bread-eaters. 
. Bread-eaters (Burd-eaters). 
. MonkeySjBragSjOrMagpies. 



. Pigs. 






. Grecians. 


. Boars. 

South Tawton 


South Molton 

. Molton Images, and Jolly 


South Zeal 

Pretty Maidens. 




. Pigs' Ears (a cake made 


there) ; also Cheese- 


eaters, and Barley- 

bread - eaters. 



St. Mary Clist 

Pretty Maids. 


. Dabs. 



Sometimes they make a rhyme, as at Cheriton Fitzpaioe 
they say— « Cadbury cocks, 

Cadeleigh hens, 
Poughill cuckoos, and 
Cheriton men." 

Also at South Molton — 

" North Molton monkeys, 
Bishop's Nympton brags ; 
South Molton jolly boys 
Beat them all to rags." H. S. 

For information on this subject vide Provincial Sobriquets, 
Western Antiquary, ix. 37-64. P. F. S. A. 


Thirteenth Report of the Committee — consisting of Mr. P. F. 
S. Amery, j.p. (Secretary), Mr. A. Chandler, p. r. met. soc., and 
Mr. James Hamlyn, j.p.,— to collect and tabulate trustworthy 
and comparable observations on the climate of Devon. 

Edited by P. F. S. Amery, Honorary Secretary. 
(Read at Okehampton, July, 1895.) 

Your Committee present a tabulated summary of meteor- 
ological observations taken during 1894, relating to the 
Rainfall, Temperature, Humidity, and Cloud, as recorded in 
various localities representing the different districts and 
elevations of the county of Devon. 

Returns are once more furnished from Princetown, which, 
owing to its position and great elevation, are important 
factors in a report on Devonshire climate. 

The Secretary has taken every means in his power to 
have the tables verified by the observers themselves, and 
the thanks of the Committee are due to them for the 
assistance they have given in compiling the report. 

The particulars of the stations and observers are as follows : 


Hfracombe . ... 25 . 

Teignmouth 70 . 

Torquay (Cary Green) ... 12 . 

„ (Chapel Hill) ... 286 . 
Sidmouth (Sidmount) ... 148 . 

Callompton 202 . 

Brampford Speke 113 . 

Southmolton (Castle Hill 

School) 363 , 

Plymouth Observatory ... 117 . 
Princetown (H. M. Piison) 1359 . 
Buekfa3tleigh(Bos8ellPark) 250 . 

Mburton (Druid) 584 . 

Hobe (Vicarage) 650 . 

M. W. Tattam. 

W. C. Lake, m.d. 

A. Chandler, f.r.Met.8oc. 

W. T. Radford, m.d., f.r.Met.Soc. 
T. Turner, J.P., f.rmet.soc. 
Miss M. B. Gamlen. 

W. H. Reeve. 

H. Victor Prigg, a.m.i.c.e. 

J. L. Durbin. 

James Hamlyn, j.p. 

P. F. S. Amery, j.p. 

Rev. J. Gill, m.a. 

James Hamlyn, Chairman. 
P. F. S. Amery, Secretary. 



Hfmcombe . 
'feign mo nth 
Torquay (C. Q.) 
Torquay (C. B.) 

Plymouth . 

Pnncetcwn . 
Ashburton . 


41. 1 

48. 1 























43- S 





■;::,:■:'; 4*- 3 




S S' S 






si 1 















34- S 







37- S 


43 3 

22- S 

53 s 


I 4 * 3 







IHraeombe . 
Torquay {C. G.) 
Torquay (C. H.) 
Sidiuouth . 
(In 11. hi 1 pt on . 
Plymouth , 
Princetown . 
Ash burton . 



46. 8 











51. 4 

4 6.o 





















33 7 





S 4 






















28. 9 









Utacombe . 

Totqo»y (C. Q.) 
Torquay fa H.) 

Sdmontli . 

CnUompton . 

Bniiiplord Speke 


Tlifflouth . 

Pnncetoim . 






50.6 40.7 62.8 





51.6 37.8 68.2 





50-9 35-5 66-6 




50,0 33.6 66.0 




49-8 343 6 5° 


m im 



49-7 32-3 *6» 








48.2 31. 8 66.1 


Kl - 



49-8 35-8 69.2 



48. 2 



45.1 31.6 62.0 




50.2 31.0:66.9 





SO-6 35-5 67-7 

'. 5 i 

TMqu»J (C. O.) 

Jwmwio. n.) 

Cnjiompton . 


Plpuonth . 
rnncetown . 
MbnrtoD . 




57. 7 


So. 3 



5*- 5 

















































47 ■ 















4 .':° 






Ilfatcombe . 

4- '3 S 





51.3 ;J SS 6-5 

Teign mouth 






489 7-3 

Torquay (C. G.} . 


60. a 




50-0 7-0 

Torquay (C. 11. ) . 





48.9 ... 

Sidmouth . 





49.6 5 7.5 
44-3 ?j 7-« 
45-o SS 7-S 
39-9 7-6 

Ciillompton . 

B ramp ford Speke . 











South moltoD 






Plymouth . 






46.} 70.4 Hz 7.8 

Princetown . 




54 7 

41.6 71.9 S3 7.3 







420 74.5 7S 7.5 

Ash button ■ 






49.1 72.3 go ... 

Hotoe . . 



Ilftacombe . 


58.0 5*-> 




64. S 

S 4 




36.7 S0.4 







Torquay (C. G.) . 


56.9 50.9 







Torquay (G H.) . 


... 48. 8 




Sidmouth ■ 


S6.a 490 







Ciillompton . 

a. 33 

55-7 4^-3 





8a 6.3 

a.35 » 

S4-9 4*- S 






i.oii ■-£ 

S3- 7 44-3 





86 58 

Plymouth . 

a. 38 

... 49.1 





79 . 5-2 

Pnncelown . 


5*-4 4^-7 




»S 1 S-5 




546 460 





Ashburton . 


56.8 49.9 








JB -. 




Torqnij (C. G.) . 
T«B)Mj(C. H.) . 
Sidmooth . 
dHampton . 
Bmnplori Spake . 
FJjmouth . 
rnwetown . 
Aihborton . 
Eobe . . 

So. 8 


















S3. 4 






























3'- 3 
















58. 1 








S 8.'s 







35- S 





Toiquij (C. Q.) 
Wjia H.) 


rrincetovrn . 


XX 47-7 


49- S 

46. 8 

























54. 8 







54 3 




















6.. 7 









43 6 




28. 1 

54- 5 




(Read at Okehampton, July, 1895.) 

The Dartmoor Exploration Committee, in presenting its 
Second Report to the Devon Association, is glad to be able 
to report considerable progress made in the examination of 
the pre-historic relics on Dartmoor. 

Last year the Eeport dealt exclusively with Grimspound ; 
every one of the formerly-inhabited huts within its area 
having been carefully excavated and planned. What 
remained to be done was to examine the structure of the 
enclosing wall, which presented characters very perplexing, 
and which the Committee considered deserved further 

Last year a small portion of the wall had been under 
investigation, and this portion had revealed the puzzling 
feature of being double, with an entrance into the space 
between the walls from the inside of the Pound. 

This year the wall has been examined in ten additional 

In addition to this, fresh fields have been explored, notably 
the very interesting and hitherto hardly -noticed collection 
of hut circles on the slope of Langstone Moor, in Petertavy 
parish, opposite Greena Ball and Mis Tor. 

Moreover, a careful plan has been taken of the remains 
near Merrivale Bridge, by Mr. E. Hansford Worth, c.b., a 
member of the committee, and these have been subjected 
to investigation. 

Crapp's King, a dilapidated pound containing ruined hut 
circles, near Post Bridge, has also been explored. 

The enclosure of King's Oven has likewise been subjected 
to investigation. 

A very interesting collection of enclosures and huts at 
Cullacoombe Head,, on Shapley Common, have been ex- 

vol. XXVH. G 


haustively explored, and a couple of hut circles on Whiten 
Ridge have been dealt with as well. 

Finally, the very interesting Blowing House at Deep 
Swincoombe has been cleared out and planned. 

Such has been the work of the Committee on Dartmoor 
since the last meeting of the Devon Association, at the 
expenditure of considerable time and money. 

The Committee desire on this occasion to omit from their 
Report what concerns the Blowing House at Deep Swin- 
coombe, and reserve the notice of that to another Report, as it 
is their wish, having done so much to the hut circles, to next 
turn their attention to the early tin-workings and smeltings 
on Dartmoor, and they would prefer to bring into one Report 
what they have to say thereupon. 

The examinations that this Report will deal with are 
these : (1) Of the Wall of Grimspound ; (2) the Langstone 
settlement ; (3) that at Merrivale Bridge ; (4) that at Crapp's 
Ring; (5) King's Oven; (6) the settlement at Cullacoombe 
Head ; and (7) the two huts on Whiten Ridge. 


The Committee are obliged to admit that the structure 
of this wall is difficult of interpretation. At base the heap 
of ruins that forms the wall measures, where two faces 
remain undisturbed, about 12 feet. On examination of the 
wall, in eleven different places, it became apparent that this 
wall consisted originally of two, with a space between them 
of 3 feet 6 inches in width, or thereabouts, sometimes a little 
less, sometimes more. In places there seemed to be an inner 
face, on both sides, to this space. 

Admission into this space, or passage, was probably 
obtained by small openings from the inside of the Pound. 
One of these was found last year ; another, very distinct, 
was observed and cleared out this year. In each instance 
the doorway seemed to be in connection with the walls of 
the lunettes which abutted on the main wall below them. 
These doors are narrow, measuring 2 feet 6 inches, and 2 feet 
10 inches — probably more at the top, when complete, but 
the tops are ruinous. 

That there was no core of earth between the walls, which 
might have served as faces to it, is almost certain, as no 
traces of such a core remain, and it never can have existed, 
for the stones of the two walls have in general fallen inward. 
They are tilted one on another in such a manner as proves 
that they fell into, and encumbered, an open space. 


There are not stones sufficient to have made the enclosing 
wall of Grimspound very high. It is the opinion of some 
of the Committee, after much consideration, that Grimspound 
can never have been erected for military defence, and that 
it was simply an enclosure for cattle, against wolves. 

From a strategic point of view, it is held by them that an 
error was committed in not including within the area the 
granite outcrop and ridge that separates the drainage of 
Hookner Tor from that of Hameldon Tor. This ridge would 
allow assailants to command the interior with their spears 
and arrows. Those who erected the enclosure of Grimspound 
took no account of this ridge, probably purposely left it 
outside their Pound, because a mass of rock, producing little 
or no herbage for the cattle. 

The walls were apparently not high enough to serve as 
a defence against an enemy, and the hollow between the 
walls would, it is supposed, make the defence of them 


This Moor, called on the Ordnance map Launceston Moor, 
occupies a ridge between White Tor and Whiten Burrow, 
and is also connected with Great Staple Tor by a long neck 
of moor. It divides the Walkham Valley from that of the 
Tavy, and in it the Petertavy brook takes its rise in a bog 
that is not easily traversed. The Moor derives its name 
from a Long-stone, the end of a stone row, running in a 
direction N. and S. from a surface-water pool that occupies 
the site of a destroyed cairn. The stone is composed of the 
local gabbro, and was prostrate, but His Grace the Duke of 
Bedford has re-erected it in its original socket-hole. The 
old Lych Way ran from Whiten Burrow to it, and thence 
diverged into two branches, one leading to Petertavy, the 
other to the road between Tavistock and Hill Bridge, which 
it reached at Cudlip Town. 

The stone row consists of very small stones, eighteen in 
number, and has been much pillaged, but by spade investi- 
gation it was established that it never had been furnished 
with stones of much magnitude, as the pits to receive the 
upright blocks were small. Nearly parallel with the row, 
but not quite so, at the distance of sixty or seventy yards, 
are the remains of a second stone row, leading from a cairn, 
formerly surrounded by a circle of stones. A very ancient 
M new take " wall has been built over and about this line ; it 
includes the cairn in it, and takes advantage of some of the 
original standing stones. 


West of this second stone row are several cairns more or 
less dilapidated, and the remains of a kistvaen. 

On the brow of Langstone Moor, overlooking the Walkham 
River, is a fine circle of stones. This was first noticed by 
Mr. Brent, of Plymouth; it was again seen by Rev. G. B. 
Berry, of Emmanuel, Plymouth, and it was last year carefully 
examined by the Exploration Committee, and His Grace the 
Duke of Bedford was communicated with, who, with great 
courtesy and promptitude, undertook to place a party of 
workmen at the disposal of the Committee for the re-erection 
of the stones, which had all fallen, owing to the spongy nature 
of the peat in which they had been originally planted. The 
fall, however, of some of the stones must have taken place 
comparatively recently, as their pits were open under them, 
and full of water only. 

The position of the circle was one rendering it liable to 
being robbed for the sake of gate-posts, and indeed it seems 
probable that, as will be seen presently, it has already 
suffered on that account. When the stones are re-erected, 
then strict orders are issued from the Duchy Office that they 
are not to be interfered with ; whereas stones lying on the 
face of the moor cannot be thus protected, and indeed are 
carried Away without scruple by men who are confident they 
can do this without detection. 

The circle measures 57 feet in diameter, and consists of 
sixteen stones. Outside this circle appears to have been 
another concentric with it ; of this, however, only two stones 
remain in situ, but the pit hole of another, and the broken 
top of the stone taken from it remain. The singular feature 
of this outer circle is that the three stones are of a fine- 
grained elvan, entirely different from the nature of the 
stones in the inner circle, with the exception of one, which 
also is of elvan. 

In the socket-hole of one of the stones a burnt stone was 
found, perhaps a " cooking-stone," but so burnt as to crumble 
between the fingers with a little pressure. 

The investigation of the huts was now proceeded with. Of 
these there are a great number. The exploration was not 
carried out as happily as at Grimspound, as the workmen 
employed were changing every day, so that the same men 
could not be secured sufficiently long to be trained to dig 
intelligently. For this reason it was deemed inadvisable to 
do no more in the season rapidly drawing to an end, than 
uncover the floors of the huts and leave the sifting of the 
floors till Mr. George French could be secured in the spring. 



^ u 

JMirry-TraZf J 




these huts presented very similar features to those at 
Brimspound, a raised dais, a hearth, and cooking-hole being 
fcrond in several of them. . 

- Eleven huts were excavated. The interiors were much 
brined. In one the platform, or dais, was well defined, and 

Ktere were more or less distinct indications of such plat- 
rms in four others. The hearths were not always in the 
middle of the huts ; in many they were at the sides. One 
hearthstone was of very fine, smooth elvan, much burnt. 
Several cooking-stones were found, in most cases so burnt 
Is to crumble away. A flint core and five flakes were found, 
tlso a scraper-knife, and a polished red pebble brought 
from a distance. Also in one of the huts a rubber-stone. 


Several days were devoted to the examination of the 
temains so well known, near Merrivale Bridge. Sir Massey 
Lopes very kindly and readily gave his consent to the 
investigation of these remains, and the Committee considered 
that considerable importance attached to them, owing to 
the fact that here the hut circles, and the stone rows, and 
Other megalithic monuments were in close proximity, and 
kpparently mutually connected, and contemporary. 

From a Sketch by th« Rev. S. Bariso-Gould, 1851. 

The first object to be examined was the so-called fallen 
Cromlech. This had been noticed by the Rev. E. A. Bray, 
in 1804. It was described by Mr. S. Bowe, in 1830. A 
hawing was made of it by the Rev. S. Baring-Gould, in 
1851. It was also noticed by Sir Gardiner Wilkinson, and 

iere. Some years ago a man who lived at Merrivale 
tiidge, and dealt in stone posts to the farmers, cut two out 
the quoit and further mutilated one of the supporters, 
fcrhich he split in half, and then further split off a portion 
Inch as he wanted from one of these halves. So it was left 
b a sad condition. 


The Committee raised the two pieces of the quoit* and 
then the construction of the monument was plain enough. 
It proved not to be a cromlech, but a kistvaen, running N. and 
S., and measuring, internally, 7 feet by 2 feet 9 inches at the 
head, contracting to 2 feet at the foot. It consisted of a 
head and a footstone, one large block on the W. side 
measuring 7 feet long by 3 feet 6 inches high, which had 
been split by the mason. The east side consisted of two 
stones, one 4 feet 10 inches long and the same height as 
the opposite side stone, the other a smaller stone that fitted 
into the gap, and was apparently removable at will, for it 
was not bedded in a groove cut in the calm, but rested on 
a step of calm about a foot high. 

In the kistvaen, near the head, were found a flint scraper, 
a flint flake, and a polishing-stone. 

The Committee further examined some depressions in the 
surface of the turf near the so-called "Sacred Circle" and found 
several pits dug to the depth of a foot or eighteen inches in 
the calm, with triggers lining them, and in one a flint flake. 
These had apparently been the sockets of menhirs, or standing 
stones, which had been removed either to serve as gate-posts 
or for the construction of a new-take wall hard by. 

Near the great menhir are indications of the starting of 
stone rows ; the ground in advance of these was examined, 
but no pits for the reception of more stones were found. 
Some of the huts were then searched ; in two the hearths 
were found, in all charcoal, one or two had apparently been 
paved ; but all were found to be in a ruinous condition and 
had been worked over, apparently by the road makers, in 
search of suitable stone at the making, or afterwards the 
repairing, of the high-road that runs close by. One flint 
flake only was found in one of the huts. In all, six hut 
circles were examined, of these two gave no signs of human 

At the E. end of the double northern stone row, it was 
surmised that there had formerly existed a circle. The 
stones there lying were examined, no pits were found. Some 
of the stones proved to be outcrops of rock, and others to 
be shapeless lumps that had never been planted erect. 

The Committee is glad to be able to reproduce here two 
plates, from plan and bird's-eye view, of the remains at 
Merrivale Bridge, as taken in 1828 by Colonel Hamilton 
Smith, f.r.s. As usual with plans and drawings taken before 
the last thirty years, they are inaccurate. The tombstone 
on the plan becomes a cromlech on the bird's-eye sketch. 


This is really a small cairn that contained a rained kistvaen, 
from which a small row starts, unnoticed by Colonel 
Smith. The barrow between the atone rows and the circle 
and menhir has since been rained; in 1851 it disclosed 
remains of a kistvaen or inner circle, and an outer ring of 

The circle interrupting the double range of stones to 
the S. contains a cairn. There is no circle at the E. end 
of the northern double row, but there seemed to have been 
one before the place was investigated. It would be interesting 
to know if this row ended to the west with a tall monolith, 
as represented in both plan and bird's-eye sketch. If so, 
this has disappeared. The southern row ends to the E. in 
two, and not one, upright stones and the remains of a cairn. 
In the plan, within the so-called " Religious Inclosure," 
which is in reality a cattle-pen, Colonel Smith indicates a 
"fallen cromlech"; this is actually a stone that has been 
cot by moormen to form a crasher, either for apples or for 
gorse, and never removed ; it was probably cut at the 
beginning of this century, or the end of last. The barrow 
marked on the plan on the N. side of the road to Princetown 
has been removed by road-menders. On the plan is a circle 
at the E. end of the southern range of stones. No such circle 
ever existed. 

iv. crapp's RING. 

Some of the circles lying within Crapp's King, which is a 
mined "pound" on the slope of Lake Head Hill, were 
examined, but it was found that all except one had been 
dug over for stones. The comparatively undisturbed circle 
was 15 feet in diameter, with remains of dais, and a hearth, 
in a good state of preservation. The " cooking-hole " was in 
the hearth, and was 5 inches deep and 10 inches square, 
and this was full of what appeared to be peat ashes. No 
wood-charcoal was observed. Owing to the disturbed 
character of these circles their further examination was 



The original King's Oven, that is to say the smelting- 
place of the tin which was the Royal due, was destroyed 
probably some time during last century, and was further 
dilapidated on the construction of* the buildings of Bush 
Down Mine, which are hard by ; but the site is still 
indicated by a pile of stones in the midst of a pound that 
is rudely circular. At the S.W. side of the pound are the 
remains of an oblong rectangular structure. This was 
examined, but proved to have been so worked over by the 
masons engaged in building the houses of Bush Down, and 
now ruinous, that nothing could be made out, to show when 
it was erected. 

As traces of upright stones in an arc were observable to 
the N. of the enclosing pound, the pick and shovel were 
brought to bear there, with the result of uncovering a portion 
of a circle of upright stones that formerly enclosed a cairn, 
with probably a kistvaen in the centre, some of the stones 
of which remained. The investigation was not made, however, 
without yielding something of interest, as, in the first place, 
it determined that the construction of the pound was 
subsequent to that of the circle and cairn, and secondly, 
because a beautiful flint scraper was picked out from between 
two of the upright stones, between which it had been 
wedged. Fragments of charcoal were also found at the foot 
of these stones. 


Thus far all the collections of huts examined, those at 
Grimspound, at Broadun, at Broadun Ring, at Tavy Cleave, 
at Langstone, and Crapp's Ring, have been singularly unani- 
mous in the tale they have been asked to disclose. They have 
yielded flint flakes, cores, scrapers, polishing-stones, cooking- 
stones ; nothing more, not the smallest particle of pottery. 
Every indication given pointed to a very rude and primitive 
condition of existence among those who occupied them. 

There are, however, on Dartmoor circular huts of a 
different character ; they are better constructed, and they 
are usually found in connection with paddocks or enclosures 
often rudely rectangular. 

Such a series of huts is found on Shapley Common, at 
Cullacoombe Head. It was thought advisable to explore 
this settlement in order to ascertain whether it belonged 
to the same age and stage of civilization as the other 








CALt '/»• 








*r. c 

SCALE 1/36 


£ca1e. 30 f«et- f« I inch 

(|.X«M*)»Jl W^jg. 


ied, and which were not 

rn on plan) that contains 
enclosing wall of the 
£ growing, so to speak, 
oining this is another 
(western on plan.) 
una revealed a somewhat 

remely rude description, 
utly used for sharpening 

id in it a wall, apparently 
built across it ; as the 
nches high, it appeared 
a refuge by shepherds ; 
iere discovered, together 
ith century. The other 
it character. The entire 
wing to the disturbance 
) modern wall, there was 
inal arrangement within, 
the segment formed by 
imes; but this probably 
-man, who used it as a 
ie original hearth were 

it, in which were found 
sry, some flint fragments, 

iughout, and the dais on 
larcoal was found in the 
i could not be identified. 
mar scraper, similar to 
-shafts. Adjoining this 
s so thickly covered with 
;ments of pottery, that it 
i as the kitchen to tbe 

hut B, was found to be 
•A as a place for cooking. 
ie fragments of rude red 


pottery, and two small flakes of flint. G and H are small 
huts similar to CC. 

Western Enclosure. 
Hut No. 1 is a fine structure, but yielded nothing save 
charcoal, and near the hearth, which was merely the clay 
floor of the hut, was a part of the rim of an earthenware 
vessel, and some more fragments of pottery ; also two pieces 
of chalk flint, and two nodules of greeosand flint 

One interesting feature may be noticed with regard to Hut 
A. In it, not exactly in the centre, was found a circular 
hole cut in the calm, 8 inches deep and 4 inches in diameter, 
a "gob" of charcoal was at the bottom. Presumably this hole 
once contained the base of a central support for the roof. 
An exactly similar hole, sunk in the calm, was observed in 
one of the huts on Langstone Down. 

Hut C, on the east side of the road had several peculiar 
features in it. The bed or dais was double, that is to say, it 
occupied two segments of the circle. There was paving on 
the dais. The hearth was near the centre of the hut, but 
charcoal was strewn over the entire floor. A unique feature 
here was a small cupboard fashioned in stone, in the depth 
of the wall near the entrance. In this hut were found a 
polisher and a fragment of pottery. 



Hut D. The peculiarity of this hut consists in the 
number of pointed stones set on edge in the calm. These 
were probably bond stones of a double bed, as in C, but 
the platforms, if they had existed, had been removed. Here 
were found a pretty flint scraper and some fragments of 

Hut £. This hut, as also C and D, had a paved entrance ; 
in the centre was a great heap of peat ash. Only one 
planted stone, probably the curb of the platform, was found 


The new features disclosed by the huts on Shapley 
Common made it advisable to explore others of a similar 
character, connected with enclosures, and the Committee 
proceeded to examine those on Whiten Kidge. Up to this 
point only two have been excavated. 

Hut I. 16 feet in diameter by 14 feet, had a curved 
paved approach to the entrance, like some at Grimspound 
and one or two on Shapley Common. Charcoal in abun- 
dance covered the floor, but no hearth or platform could be 
made out The objects found here were several fragments 
of extremely coarse, badly burnt pottery, a flint flake, and 
two fragments of another, ten cooking-stones, or parts of 
same, and a muller, upper stone, having a surface of 12 
inches by 9 inches. Height of the stone 4£ inches. 

Hut II. Diameter 13 feet; in this was found the same 
sort of pottery as in No. I. and at Shapley. One cooking- 
stone and two portions of others. Also a cooking-stone that 
seemed to have been ground down at the end. 

By the little stream which supplied these huts with water 
*ere found three flint scrapers. 

It is probable that the huts last examined belong to a 
somewhat later age than the others examined previously ; or 
else that they were more permanent habitations than those 
first explored. The total number explored consists of 20 
*t Grimspound, 11 at Langstone Moor, 20 at Broadun and 
Broadun Bing, 4 at Tavy Cleave, 2 at Crapps Ring, 6 at 
Merrivale Bridge, 11 on Shapley Common, 2 on Whiten 
Ridge. In all 73. Of these only those at Shapley and on 
Whiten Ridge have yielded pottery. 

It is proposed by the Committee next to investigate a 
very fine collection at Leggis Tor, on the Plym. 

H 2 


In conclusion, the Committee has to express its regret at 
the loss of one of its most zealous and indefatigable members, 
the Rev. W. Gordon Gray, who has left the counry for 
another sphere of work. In his place has been elected the 
Rev. G. B. Berry, vicar of Emmanuel, Compton Gifford, who 
yields to none in zeal for the exploration of the antiquities 
of the Moor, and who is more intimately acquainted with 
the eastern portion than any of the other members of the 

One fact has been rendered probable, as already said, by 
the recent excavations — that of the hut circles some are 
perhaps a little more recent than others ; but the Committee 
are unable at present to express any opinion as to the age 
of the hut circles in which pottery occurs. Further investi- 
gations are necessary, and these will be undertaken next 
autumn. It has, therefore, been deemed advisable to continue 
the investigation into the age of, or period during which, 
these hut circles were erected ; after which it is their desire 
to direct their attention to the Blowing Houses and early 
tin-workings on Dartmoor, a matter as yet little studied, but 
one of great interest. 

It should be added that Mr. Hansford Worth is not in 
agreement with the views before expressed regarding the 
double character of the wall at Grimspound, and that he 
reserves his opinion upon this and the question of strategic 

S. Baring-Gould. 

Robert Burnard. 

R. N. Worth. 

R Hansford Worth. 

J. Brooking Rowe. 

J. D. Pode. 

George B. Berry. 


BY R. N. WORTH, F. O. B. 
(Read at Okehampton, July, 1895.) 

The object of this paper is rather to state the data for the 
early history of Okehampton, than to trace that history 

Okehampton first finds written record eight hundred years 
ago, in Domesday} wherein it appears as Ochenemitona in the 
Exeter, and Ochementone in the Exchequer version. Either 
of these agrees far more closely with the traditional folk-form 
Ockington, than with the corrupt modern version, common 
to polite society, maps, and railway stations — Okehampton. 
Precisely the same change has taken place as in the case of 
Walkhampton — given as Walchentone and Wachetone in 
Domesday, but Wackington still in the familiar speech of 
the country-side. And we find the same influence at work 
in the conversion of Cedelintona into Chittlehampton. 

The first tendency to vary in the modern direction now 
traceable is seen late in the thirteenth century. Thus in 
Testa de Nevill, circa 1270, the name is Okmeton; in the 
Hundred Molls, 2 Ed. I. (1274) Okhamton; while in the 
Bishops' Eegisters we find it Hochantone in 1328, 
Hochamptone in 1332, Okamptone in 1333. Testa de 
Nevill, moreover, preserves the old form in its version of 
Monkokehampton — Munekeckementon. 

It is perfectly clear that we may altogether dismiss from 
our minds the " ham " as a component part of the name of 

1 In the course of the discussion on this paper, the Rev. 0. J. Reichel 
called attention to the fact that in Leofric's Missal there occurs among the 
manumissions " freode hnna set ocmund time on mides sumeres messe eueu." 
If this "ocmund tune" is Okehampton, as seems probable, we no doubt 
get the name recorded before the Conquest, for Leofric held the see from 
1050 to 1073. Of course, ocmund may very well be a variant of Okement, 
if not an earlier form in the stricter sense. 


the borough and the parish, and that the still current 
Ockington is about as near as we are now likely to get to 
the sound of the original It is clear also that as Tavistock 
is the "stock" of the Tavy, so Ockington was once the "tun" 
or enclosure of the river or rivers now known as the Ockment, 
or the East and West Ockments. But we find ourselves in 
face of a somewhat difficult problem when we try to ascertain 
what the precise name of this river originally was. 

If it had always been the Ockment, or at least if it had 
borne that name before the Saxon planted his " tun " in the 
valleys, then Okehampton is simply the "tun," or, as we 
should now say, the " town," of the Okement, as Tawton is 
the "tun" of the Taw. If, however, the "ment" is a corruption 
of the "ing," we have to deal with a duplex question. 
"Ing" may be the Saxon for meadow, in which case 
Ockington would mean the "tun" of the meadow of the 
Ock — such meadow being practically identical with what is 
called in Scotland a strath. Or it may represent the Saxon 
patronymic particle or clan affix, signifying descendants. 
Then Ockington would be the settlement of the family or 
tribe of Ock. This rendering of "ing" is strenuously 
advocated by Mr. Kemble and his followers, and set forth 
at length by Canon Isaac Taylor in Wards and Places. And 
that the syllable frequently has this meaning no one can 
dispute; but I think it must always be a matter for individual 
enquiry in each particular case whether the patronymic or 
the meadow meaning is to be chosen. I cannot myself for a 
moment believe, in the case of Cockington, for example, that 
we are to see in it the settlement of a special family, when 
"Coch ing" is the red meadow, patent to all observers — just 
as Cocks Tor is the "red tor" it may not infrequently be 
seen. Besides, if we accept the clan idea in this case, we 
have to believe that the common progenitor gave name to 
the river, unless indeed the stream had been regarded as a 
figurative parent. 

Hence, I cannot escape from this conclusion — either we 
have Ockington, the settlement in the lowlands of the Ock 
valley ; or the " ing " represents the second syllable in the 
name of the river, which we now have as " ment " ; and we 
must dismiss from our minds the idea that in historic times 
the stream was ever called simply the Ock or Oke. This is 
certainly the direction in which Domesday points. 

And here we can get some help from analogy. There is, 
for example, the Derwent. The " Der " = dwr is one of the 
most familiar Keltic words for water, and the "went" is 


commonly accepted as gwent, the compound meaning the 
"clear water." The Darenth, near London, affords another 
shape of the same combination, still further contracted at 
Dartford. And this leads up to our own most forcible 
illustration — the Dart Here the dwr is still preserved in 
the Dar, but the gwent is only represented by its final " t" 
It reappears, however, in fuller form, if the Dart and the 
Okement afford a parallel, in the second syllable of Darting- 
ton — Dertrin-tone in Domesday, but Derentun when we first 
find it mentioned, in 833. The process which changed 
Dwr-gwent-tun into Dartington, and that which is suggested 
as having turned Ock-gwent-tun into Ockington, would be 
absolutely identical. 

And here we cannot afford to ignore the fact that the 
valley has two Ockingtons — Okehampton proper, and that 
which is now called i/cm&okehampton, clearly for distinction. 
That both tuns should be named from the river is natural 
and common, while any other suggestion must be more or 
less forced. The two forms in which the latter name occurs 
in Domesday are ifcmoc-ochamantona in the Exeter, and 
Jtfim-uchementone in the Exchequer, which is quite as near 
as we could reasonably expect to get to the Ochenemitona 
and Ochementone of our subject. We are not very much 
concerned with the prefix. It has been turned into Monk, 
and taken to indicate a former ecclesiastical ownership. As to 
which we can say little more than that we find this prefix in 
Domesday, when the manor was in Baldwin the Sheriff's own 
individual occupation, and that the Saxon owner in the days 
of the Confessor was one Vlnod. If any monks ever held 
it, therefore, they must have lost it before that date — a thing 
quite possible, but, as it seems to me, extremely improbable. 
Is it not, to say the least, quite as likely that we have here 
simply the very familiar prefix men = " stone," or its derivative 
maenic = " stony " ? This, however, by the way. 

There are yet other considerations to take into account 
We have been hitherto assuming, with Canon Taylor and 
others, that the original name of the river was the Ock or 
Oke, and a phase of that Keltic word for water — uisge — 
which we find in Esk, and Usk, and Axe, and Exe. It may 
be, but I confess I do not care to commit myself absolutely 
to such a view. It may very well be, also, that Oxford takes 
name from a stream called the Oke, which falls into the 
Thames at that city ; but it is much more easy to connect 
Ox with uisge than Ock, unless we are to fall back on the 
possessive form Oke's-ford. And Oke is a frequent prefix 


•where no river is in question. For example, Okeley or 
Ockley, in Bedford, Bucks, Hants, Northampton, Surrey, 
Suffolk, Shropshire, Wilts ; Ockham or Okeham, in Rutland 
and Surrey ; Okingham in Berks ; Ockenden in Essex ; 
Oken in Stafford; Ocknell, Hereford; Okethorpe, Derby; 
Hockenburie in Kent ; Hochwold in Norfolk ; Hockestow in 
Shropshire ; Hockcombe in Somerset ; Haccombe iu Devon ; 
and, to go no further, Oakington in Cambridge, which Canon 
Taylor suggests as the "tun " of the brings. 

There should be very little doubt that in most of these 
cases the reference is to the tree. Still, Oke does occur as a 
river name; and while we have Okeford in Devon and in 
Dorset, we have Ocklebrook in Derbyshire. Our own Devon 
Hockworthy, on the other hand, is a tree name, as Acland is 

Other local prefixes seem phonetically near of kin — the 
Ug in Ugborough and in Ugbrook, for example. The one 
has been often accepted as one of the forms of uisge, but no 
such hypothesis will fit the former; and, bearing in mind 
the cavern at Chudleigh, it may be worth while to note that 
the Cornu-Keltic for cavern is ogo, thence fogou, in modern 
mining phrase vug. 

Another suggestion seems worthy of some consideration* 
Uchel is a common Welsh word for "high"; and Uchelton 
would supply all we want, if we could assume that occurred 
at Okeham pton which we know happened elsewhere — at 
Molton, for example, where the blundering Saxon mistook 
the name of the height for that of the stream which 
descended from it. This derives some show of likelihood 
from the fact, as it seems to be, that High Willis, or 
Willhayes, is simply another form of this uchel (found also 
in Brown Willy), to which the Saxon, taking it for a proper 
instead of a common name, prefixed his own descriptive 
epithet. Uchel certainly appears elsewhere in the district, 
at no very great distance, as Okel Tor, near Tavistock. Oke 
Tor on the West Okement is more readily used as an 
argument in favour of the uisge hypothesis; and so 
possibly the fact that in the thirteenth and fourteenth 
centuries we find the locality now known as Hook, called 
The Hock, as a member of the barony. 

Again, the fact that the two streams which unite at 
Okehampton town are called the East and West Okements, 
and not by different names, like their more important 
tributaries, points to two conclusions. First, that they were 
so named by persons ascending the joiut stream, which they 


first knew by that title ; second, that in all probability they 
once had other distinctive names, now lost. Here again we 
have uncertainty. 

All things considered, therefore, it does not seem a very 
wise procedure to attempt any ex cathedra deliverance upon 
this special point. That the real name of the town was 
never Okehampton, and that the current Ockington is 
probably as near as ever we are likely to get to its original 
phonetic value, should not indeed a'dmit of controversy. The 
modern "ing" is generally represented in our local Domesday 
by " en " or " in." Witness Alvintone for Alphington ; 
Ermentone for Ermington; Ferentone for Faringdon; God- 
rintone for Goodrington ; Toritone for Torrington — and so on. 
Ockington thus falls strictly within the rule. This point 
attained, however, we find before us an embarrassing choice 
of paths ; and, as it seems to me, there is only one certain 
conclusion that can be drawn — this namely, that the final 
" tun " must inevitably be accepted as an adequate proof of 
the Saxon origin of the community. 

The Domesday record touching Okehampton runs as 
follows : 

" Baldwin, the sheriff, has a manor called Ochenemitona, which 
Offers [or Osfers] held on the day on which King Edward was 
alive and dead, and it rendered geld for three virgates and one 
ferling. Thirty ploughs can plough this. Of them Baldwin has 
one virgate and one ferling aud four ploughs in demesne, and the 
villeins two virgates and twenty plough?. There Baldwin has 
thirty-one villeins, and eleven bordars, and eighteen serfs, and six 
swineherds, and one packhorse, and fifty-two head of cattle, and 
eighty sheep, and one mill which renders six shillings and eight- 
pence a year, and three leugas of wood in length, and one in 
breadth, and five acres of meadow, and of pasture one leuga in 
length, and a half in breadth. And in this land stands the castle 
of Ochenemitona. There Baldwin has four burgesses and a 
market which return four shillings a year. This manor is worth, 
with its appurtenances, ten pounds, and it was worth eight pounds 
when Baldwin received it 1 ' 

In the Exchequer Book the name is Ochementone; the 
number of villeins is given as twenty-one, instead of thirty- 
one; and the description leads off with the words "And 
there stands a castle." 

Offers, whose name also occurs as Osfernus, Osferdus, and 
Osfers, had held under Edward the manors of Belestham 
(Belstone), Chenlie (Kelly), Limet (in North Tawton), 


Filelia (Filleigh), Prenla (Prewley), Taintona (Drewsteignton), 
Spreitone (Spreyton), and Witewei (in Kingsteignton) ; all of 
which passed to Baldwin. And either he or another of the 
same name had held also William of Pollei's manor of Legh, 
or North Leigh. 

The acreage of Baldwin's manor totals up to 4025, while 
the present area of the parish is 9552. It must be borne in 
mind, however, that the parish contains a large area of waste, 
which would find no place in the Domesday assessment, and 
certainly two, probably three, other manors — Meldon, 
Alfordon, and Cheesacot. But Baldwin's manor was by far 
the largest and most valuable, including the town, castle, and 

There is one very significant detail in the Domesday entry. 
The manor was worth £8 a year in Offers's time, and had 
risen to be worth £10 a year in Baldwjp's ; but it is only 
assessed at three virgates and a ferling, or, in other words, at 
three ferlings less than a hide. And as the Saxon hide, as 
an actual land area, was practically the same as the Norman 
carucate — a plough land — it follows that since the date of 
the imposition of the Danegeld, the arable land of the manor 
must have increased between thirty and forty fold. For the 
hidage was originally imposed on the whole area actually 
cultivated, though the hide soon drifted into a fiscal unit, 
having no closer connection with actual land values than the 
land-tax of the present day. 

Okehampton, then, it is perfectly evident, was a flourish- 
ing community long before Baldwin the Sheriff saw how 
admirably it was situated, from its central position, and its 
capabilities of defence, for the seat of his shrievalty, and the 
head of his barony. 

Domesday contains a full list of the manors held by 
Baldwin, but does not set them forth in their relations as 
parts of his great barony — members of the Honour of 
Okehampton. There is, however, an early record, already 
cited, called the Testa de Ncvill (temp. Henry III.-Edward I., 
circa 1270), which is primarily a register of the various 
knights' fees in the kingdom, and I have thought it well to 
take out the list of the members of the barony of Oke- 
hampton, held at that date by John of Courtenay, with the 
names of their holders, and the statement of their services 
in fees, or portions of fees. It is worthy of note that there 
are considerable variations in this record from the list in 
Domesday. True, the number of estates or manors separately 



mentioned (including repetitions, which cannot always be 
distinguished from different places of like name) is about 
the same — 183 in one case, and 182 in the other. But only 
some two-thirds of the holdings in the later list can be 
distinctly connected with those in the earlier. Quite half of 
the remainder did not belong to Baldwin when Domesday 
was compiled; and though the bulk of the remnant probably 
represent divisions and changes of name rather than of 
ownership, the variations are greater than might have been 
anticipated. The list is taken from the official published 
copy, but it is manifest that this is inaccurate in some 
details of nomenclatural orthography. 

A point to which incidental reference may be made is the 
evidence afforded by the list of the growth of territorial 
surnames. This is seen most clearly when we regard the 
" de " as it was treated in those days, as the simple equivalent 
for "of," instead of the distinct nomenclatural entity of 
modern aristocratic ideas. 

Fboda de Okemeton Joh'is de Curtenay. 

} { 

Roger Cole holds in 

Thomas of Cbenne 
William of Wray 
John of Begin 
John, son of Roger, 
and Joel of Bosco 
Heirs of Richard the Espet 

Alan of Hallesworth 
William of Punchardun 
John Burnel and 

Simon Lamprye 
Walter of Nimet 

Elienor of Hause 
Robert of Greneslade 
Hugo of Niwelaunde 
Adam of Risford 

Richard of Chedeledune 
William of Hospital 

Robert of Stoddune 
Galiena of Bonevileston 
Henry of Corelaunde 


La Legh ) 

Pertricheswall J 
Wemmeworth and 

Waleston, La Thome 

half a fee. 
fourth of a fee. 
fourth „ 
half a fee. 

fourth of a fee. 

two fees. 

three parts of a 
fourth of a fee. 
one fee. 

Nimet Still an deslegh, fee with member 

and in Bere 

Hause half a fee. 

Greneslade third of a fee. 

Niwelaunde sixth „ 
Braddemmet,Apeldure,one fee. 

and Miweton 

Chedeledune tenth of a fee. 

Le Hospital, and in third 


Cadebirie fifth 

Bonevileston eighth 

Corelaunde eighth 








Roger Fromtmd and ) 
Robert of Denlegh J 
Hugo of Baylekeworth 
Robert of the Eetane 
Roger Cole 
Nicholas Avenel 
Henry of Yerde 
Ralph of Esse 
Robert of Sideham 
Jordon, son of Rogon 
Philip of Beaumont (Bello 

Heirs of Richard Beaupel 
William of Ptinchardon 

Abbot of Dunkevill 

Roger, son of Simon 
Heirs Oliver of Champer- 
nowne (Campo Emu 1 phi) 
Walter the Lou 
Nicholas of Filelgh 
Robert of Hokesham 
Nicholas of Avenel 
Philip of Beaumont 
William of Punchardon 
Ralph of Esse 
Roger the Monk (Moyne) 
Vincent of Loliwill 
Heirs William of Aubernun 
John of Molis 

Richard Cadyo 

Heirs Baldwin of Belestane 
Richard, son of Ralph, and ) 

Shitelesbere and ) 

Worthi J 








Wodeburn, Westapse 


four parts of a 

half fee. 
sixth of a fee. 
eighth „ 
tenth „ 
one fee. 
half a fee. 
third of a fee. 
one fee. 
one fee. 
one fee. 

Geoffrey of Radeweye 

Drogo of Teynton 

Adam of Risford 

William of Legh, \ 

Walter of Mumlaunde, I 
& Adam & Margery j 
of Hunichurche J 

Richard of Langeford 

William of Kelly 

Peter Corby n 

Heirs Elie Coffin 

GeofTry Coffin 


Westesford half a fee. 

Hyaunton&Hakynton, three fees. 

with Blakewille 
Lincumb, Worcumb, two fees. 

and Middelm'wode 
Worcumb fifth of a fee. 

Alfrincumb one fee. 

Kentesbir one fee. 

Filelgh half a fee. 

Well [West] Boclaunde one fee. 
Snyddelg* half a fee. 

Shirevill one & a half fees. 

Charnes one fee. 

Anestye half a fee. 

Frodetone & Westecot half „ 
Niweton and Weston half „ 
Bradeford eighth of a fee. 

Lethebrok, Durneford, two & a half fees. 
Yekesburn, Hyaunton 
Lewidecot 1 , Cockescumb, one fee. 
Westcot, & Rokewrth 
Harpeford and ) 
Radeweye J 

half a fee. 




twentieth of a fee. 
third of a fee. 

one fee. 

Munekeckementon half a fee. 
Brawode third of a fee. 

Cor bines ton sixth „ [fee. 

Ward legh & Westecot one & a quarter 
Cakob' and C'ffte half a fee. 


Philip Perer Gorehiwisse half a fee. 

Heirs Peter of Syrefuntayne Maddeford fourth of a fee. 

Richard Passem' Well [West] Polewrth tenth „ 

Lucy of Buredune Buredune tenth „ 

Philip of Beaumont Lancarse fourth ,, 

Heirs Baldwin of Belestane Parkeham two fees. 

William the Cornu Hunshane half a fee. 

Ralph of Estaneston Puderigh one fee. 

Roger Giffard La Meye one fee. 

Ralph of Wulledane Wulledane half a fee. 

Heirs William of Aubernan Stockelg' half ,, 

John of Satchvill (Sicca Villa) Yauntone half ,, 

William and Alexander Tany Com ton eighth of a fee. 

Robert of Shete Cumbe half a fee. 

John of Tl SmalecumbeandinT'l half ,, 

Henry of the Forde La Forde eighth of a fee. 

Roger the Ver and 1 . . , . - . 

Stephen of Uffeville ) Suttecumbe sevenpartaofafee. 

William of Colevill Colevill one fee. 

Roger the Ver and \ Tjffevill ' one fee 

Stephen of Uffevill J UDevl11 one lee * 

Herbert of Pryun Braunford one fee. 

Heirs Alexander of Tanton RoUandeston tixth of a fee. 

John of Nevill Dunesford half a fee. 

Ralph of Bo8co Matf ord eighth of a fee. 

Heirs of Richard Cadyly Racumbe one fee. 

Warin, son of Joel Medenecumbe half a fee. 8 

Peter of the Pole Medenecumbe half ,, 

Richard of Teyng Teyng half ,, 

Stephen of Haccumbe Ridmore and Clifford two parts of a fee. 

Heirs Ingram of Aubernan Teyngton three parts of 

half a fee. 

William of Risford Risford three parts of fee. 

Philip Talebot Spreiton cum memb' one fee. 

Same Philip Huttenealegh' half a fee. 

William of Kelly Eggebere, Buledune one fee. 

Heire Nicholas of Fuleford Fuleford half a fee. 

Heirs of Melehiwiss Melehiwiss one fee. 

Thomas of Tetteburn Tetteburn fee and quarter. 

Heirs Richard Cadiho Wallerige half a fee. 

Henry Guraunt In same half ,, 

Reynold of Holleham Calchurch fourth of a fee. 

Ralph of Albemarle (Alba Westecot and Haghe one fee. 


Richard of Langeford Wyk half a fee. 

* de antiquo s3 nunc nullum facit militare. 



Hamel of Dyandune, 
Walter of Bathon, and 
Richard the Bret 
Henry Gubant 
Robert of Meledune 
Geoffry of Hok 
Elias of Tempol 
Muriel of Bolley 
Roger of Telegh 
William of Kelly 
William Trenchard 

William of Arundel 
Roger Giffard 
Roger of Hele 

BrattoD, Cumbe, and 

La Hok 
Kelly and Medvill 
Lew (Lim) and 


Payhaumbiry, Seghlak half a fee. 
Hele one fee. 

one fee. 

half a fee. 
sixth of a fee. 
sixth „ 
half a fee. 
one fee. 
one fee. 
one fee. 
three parts of a 

fourth of a fee. 

Henry, son of Henry, and\ Kentelesbere, Pauntesford, three fees. 

Heirs Hugo of Bolley 
Richard of Langeford 
Oliva of Seghlak 
William of Chivethorne 
Alice of Ros 

/ Kyngesford, Catteshegh' 
Langeford half a fee. 




•Hugo of Bonvill (Bynnevill) Hackewrth 

Jordan, son of Rogon 
Richard of Hidune 
Herbert of Pynn 
Jordan, son of Rogon 
Abbot of DunkevOl 
Richard of Hidune 
Wydo of Briaune 
Henry of Sparkevill 
John, son of Richard 
Stephen of Haccumb 
Abbot of Torr 






Clill [Clistri 

Torre and Weston 




Wullebergh 8 


Parva Maneton 


Richard Gimenet' 

Heirs Hugo of Langedene 

Robert of Hylam 

Reginald Bernehus and \ Asmundeswrth 

William of Sttokeswurth J 

Sameric of Sarmunvill 

Ruard, son of Alan 

tenth of a fee. 
half a fee. 
two parts of a fee. 
half a fee. 
one fee. 
sixth of a fee. 
one fee. 
half a fee. 
third of a fee. 
half a fee. 
one fee. 
half a fee. 
half a fee. 
third of a fee. 

one fee. 
fourth of a fee. 
sixth „ 
half a fee. 

Parva Ernescumbe one fee. 

Roger of Fulle Pulle [Prawle] 

Heirs William of Bikebiry Engeleburne 

Girard of Spine to Teyng 

Robert of Hylum Shaplegh 

Herbert of Cumb Judaneston 

Hugo Peverel Mammehavede 

Doddebrok and PoM half a fee and 
lemue and Lamsede/ third of a fee. 

four parts of a fee. 
one fee. 
half a fee. 
one fee. 
sixth of a fee. 
one fee. 

1 Formerly one fee, now in pare alms. 


Thomas and Reginald del Holecumbe and } half a fee. 

Uppecott and Son of)- Uppecot 

Geoffery of the Hak J 

Osborn the Bat Teigemue sixth of a fee. 

Unfrey of the Shete La Shete fourth „ 

Roger the Poer Yetematon eighth ,, 

William Heriztm Daledich half a fee. 

John Tebaut Rakebere half ,, 

Heirs Baldwin of Balestane Rakebere & Dodetofi one fee. 

John of Cartenay Ailesbere half in demesne. 

The older general records of the nation supply very scant 
material to the early history of Okehampton. Rymer and 
his Foedera are practically silent. The Taxation of Pope 
Nicholas gives the value of the church of Hocamton at 
£10 13s. 4d. annually, and of the vicarage at £1 6s. 8d. 
This was of course in 1291 ; and much about the same date 
we find Hugh of Courtenay showing, in reply to a quo 
tvarranto, that he and all his ancestors had held the barony 
" from a time when memory of man ran not to the contrary " 
— rather a big phrase for little more than two hundred years 
— with its various liberties, including assize of bread and 
beer, rights of gallows, tumbrel, pillory, market, pleas of 
blood, and free warren. 

The only place in short where we do glean any detailed 
information is in the Hundred Bolls of 2 Edward I. (1274), 
where we have the finding of the following jury for Oke- 
hampton : John son of Dean (fil Decani), Richard Osmund, 
Michael of the Gate (de Porta), Martin Smith (Faber), Walter 
Halpeni, Walter Taylfer, Geoffrey Osmund, Richard the 
Hare, Geoffrey of the Mill (de Molend), Randolph Globbe, 
Richard son of Smith (fil Faber), and John Painter (Pictor). 

These declare on their oath, on behalf of the " Burgh of 
Ochamton," that the manor of Lydford, with the castle and 
the forest of Dertemore, pertained to the Crown until King 
Henry, father of King Edward that then was, gave them to 
his brother Richard, Earl of Cornwall, how, or by what 
warrant, they knew not. Moreover, the lords of the manor 
of Lifton, whosoever they were, held the "foreign" (Jorinsecum) 
of the hundred of Lifton (that is those parts of the hundred 
lying outside the manor), and had the return of writs of the 
Sheriff of Devon and the Crown, with the right to hold pleas 
of court, and to have two separate judges (coronatores seperales), 
one in the hundred "foreign" of Lifton, and one in the 
manor of Lideford. 


I give the deliverances of the jury with regard to Oke- 
hampton in fuller form. 

"They eay also that Hugh of Curtenay held the manor of 
Okhamton with its purtenances of the king in chief, that his 
ancestors had held the same from the time of the Conquest in 
baronage, and that the manor of Okhamton was the head of all 
the barony of the aforesaid Hugh. 

" They say that the aforesaid Hugh holds of the lord king in 
chief ninety-two fees by the service of two (duorum) knights 
(milites) in the army for forty days. 

" Which and what fees he now holds, and by whom tbey are 
held, and for what time, save those in the manor of Okhamton, 
they know not. 

" They say that Robert of Meledon holds of the Lord Hugh the 
fourth part of a fee, and for what time, and by what homage and 
service they know not. 

" They say that William, son of Ralph, holds a fourth part of & 
fee, as the aforesaid Robert. 

" They say that John of Uppecot holds the eighth part of a fee 
in manner aforesaid. 

" They say that Nicholas of Hok holds the tenth part of a fee 

" Of others they know nothing. 

" They say that Hugh of Curtenay and his ancestors have and 
had royal liberties (Ubertates regias) as gallows, assize of bread 
and beer, and a free chace in the manor of Lideford as far as to 
the bounds of the forest of Dertemore, with a free warren, from 
the time of the Conquest. 

"They say that John of Wyk, clerk, and .Reginald Botrigan, 
sometime bailiffs of the hundred of Lifton, had, by the hand of 
the aforesaid Reginald, levied and received to the use of the lord 
king {opus dni Reg.) of the burgh of Okhamton 8* 5 d of the 
tenth which hitherto had been in gross with the hundred of 
Lifton (adhuc veniunt in sumonicione in grosso cum hundredo de 

S&SuJlL 2Q 'zfrLi}/ " ^ na ^y * ne y ^y ^h** J°hn of Curteney, who held the manor 
"""y \ akc^ an( j baro^ ^ied on the Sunday next before the Invention of the 

J/Hfty 'fi\H Holy Cross, in the second year of King Edward, and that the 
/ * burgh was thence for two months in the hands of the lord king, 

nothing being thence received.' 7 

Let us now see what we can glean from the evidence of 
Okehampton's oldest antiquity, the earthwork on the hill 
above the East Okement, which we have been told to regard 
as a " camp," and in which Mr. Fothergill and his followers 
have seen the result of successive operations of Kelts, Danes, 
and Romans. 


In the first place let me say that there is not the slightest 
indication of the Eomans in or near Okehampton — that the 
so-called " Eoman road " so plainly marked on the map 
traversing the Park is a mere figment of exuberant anti- 
quarian fancy; and that it is most difficult to understand 
how anyone can have imagined the lower of the earthworks 
could ever have formed part of a Roman "camp," or, indeed, 
that they ever were a " camp " at all. The sole foundation 
for the hypothesis was clearly the fact of their rectangular 
plan, and dates back only to the time when all square earth- 
works were as certainly dubbed Roman as all round ones 

Surely the slightest reflection ought to have shown that 
earthen banks so placed, approaching the lower slope of a 
hill, whatever else they may have been, could have had no 
primarily defensive purpose. We cannot imagine any fighting 
people so utterly wanting in military foresight, as either to 
have placed a " camp " in such a position while the crest of 
the hill was open to their occupation, or when that crest 
was occupied by the defenced post of an enemy. Either 
alternative is absurd. It is far more probable that these 
banks had a much later and utilitarian origin, akin to that 
of the more modern hedges with which they are now con- 
nected; and, if anything like the age of the higher earthwork, 
they would probably date from a time when the absolute 
ne$d of defence had so far passed away, that it was fairly 
safe to store the sheep and cattle in an enclosure away from, 
while overlooked by, the stronghold, as a matter of greater 
convenience than within the fortified enclosure itself. A 
Roman camp, had there been one in the neighbourhood, 
would have been planted on the plateau, probably not far 
off the site of the present artillery quarters. We may dismiss 
the Romans, with the fancied pretorium and speculum, (on 
the lowest point, too !) from our purview altogether. 

The earthwork on the crest is quite another matter. It is 
the remnant of a hill fort of considerable strength, on a site 
admirably chosen for defence, and may unhesitatingly be 
given a British or Keltic origin. It consists of the tongue 
of the headland bounded on two sides by the precipitous 
ravines of the Moor Brook and the East Okement, cut off 
from the main hill by a strong earthen vallum and fosse. 
This is precisely the method of defence which we find in the 
so-called cliff castles of Cornwall, and which Caesar describes 
as the defensive custom of the Venetii. Exactly the same 
thing was done by the Kelts at Lydford, but on a larger 



scale, as is still plainly visible. Only in the case of Lydford 
the site was adopted by the Saxon, and in turn by the 
Norman, and has come down to our days a place of habitation. 
This hill fort, without reasonable doubt, was the original 
of what we now call Okehampton — a fact of which Mr. 
Fothergill indeed seems to have had a glimpse. And it 
never had anything to do with the Danes. Their only 
recorded local raid stopped at Lydford ; and it is abundantly 
evident that the name of the " Dane's battery " is traceable 
to the familiar linguistic blunder that led the common 
people and older antiquaries alike to see Dane's castles in 
each " Castle-an-dinas," ignorant of the fact that dinas was 
simply the Keltic for a fortalice or stronghold on a height, 
of which castle was merely a reduplication. A part of the 
Keltic name of this earthwork must have been " dinas " ; and 
as there were no others in the immediate vicinity, it may 
very well have been known as " the Dinas." 

The position, as I have said, is one of great strength. 
Better defences could hardly have been wished for south and 
east than the precipitous sides of the converging ravines, 
connected as these natural escarpments were by an earthen 
mound, which must have been originally at least twenty 
feet high on the exterior, from the bottom of the ditch 
whence the greater part of the materials were dug. The 
present highest point is about fifteen feet on the exterior, 
and portions of the ditch are still at least five feet deep. 
What appears at first sight to be the entrance is not so, but 
a spot where a part of the vallum has been thrown into the 
ditch to make a readier access to the pasture area within. 
The original entrance was at the south-west corner, in the 
narrow angle between the vallum and the ravine of the 
Moor Brook; and, ruined as it is, still indicates somewhat 
of its defensive character, the natural dangers of the point 
of access to an attacking party rendering further outworks 

Mr. Fothergill and others speak of the presence of traces 
of walls within the area. But this is pure error, and one 
into which they have evidently been led by the broken 
jointing of the outcrop of the natural rock, the ground being 
traversed by bands of greenstone. Man is responsible for 
the earthern bank, but for nothing more. 

Whether the Saxon followed the Kelt in the occupation 
of the fortalice we cannot say. Probably not, for the name 
of Halstock shows that a Saxon "strength," defended by 
stockades, was planted on the other side of the Moor Brook 


valley — Halstock meaning simply the " stock " or "stoke" on 
the moor. It is as plain now as it was eleven or twelve 
centuries since, that this site, while easily defensible, was 
better adapted for tillage ; and we may very fairly assume 
that it was the cultivated land about Halstock which we 
find represented in the Danegeld assessment of three virgates 
and a ferling (or less than a hundred acres) ; and that the 
chief cause of the later prosperity of the manor was the 
shifting of the settlement to the meadows in the fork of the 
Okements, and the foundation of Okington or Ockmenton, 
when the special need for defence had so far passed away 
that the more peaceful enclosure of the " tun " might safely 
replace the more warlike " stock " — Halstock, however, being 
in all likelihood still retained as a place of special retreat 
and shelter. 

At the same time the matter of defence was not overlooked 
in the choice of the new site. Placed, as the new tun was, 
in the fork of the two rivers, two sides of the triangle were 
very fairly defended by these natural moats ; while the 
enclosure of the infant burgh must have been completed by 
a bank cutting off the triangular area which formed the 
germ of the infant community. It is not very difficult, from 
a consideration of the plan of the present town, to form 
some idea of its original In the first place, it would not 
have extended beyond the limits of the two Okements. In 
the second, the wide road now called Fore Street must be the 
direct successor of the open space in which the markets were 
held, and the various outdoor gatherings of the good people 
of the ville took place. In the third, the long tenemental 
strips, into which the apex of the triangle north of Fore 
Street is divided, with their respective dwellings, must more 
or less closely represent a number of the original burgage 
heldings. In the fourth it seems a fair inference that the 
limit of the " tun " southward may be regarded as substan- 
tially marked by a line following the present lane from the 
ford at the gas works on the East Okement, and so more or 
less directly to the West — just where the dip of the ridge 
ends — possibly fairly along existing property boundaries. 
However much it may have been the custom in later days 
to build houses on or against town walls, in these primitive 
strongholds it was of more importance to keep up the most 
direct means of communication along the internal cincture. 
But this, of course, is more or less speculative. The gate 
would be somewhere on the south (it was many a long year, 

certainly not until Norman times, ere Fore Street became the 

I 2 


thoroughfare between East and West), and in all probability 
near the point where the roads now intersect. 

The comparatively small increase of value — £2 — in the 
twenty years or so between the reception of the manor by 
Baldwin and the Survey shows that it owed little of its 
prosperity to him. He was probably far more concerned in 
building his castle, and the fortunes of the burgh would be 
quite subsidiary, and with the building of the castle the 
special need for burghal defences would pass away. 

When did the original "tun" become a "burgh." Certainly 
before Domesday was compiled; for we find it stated that 
Baldwin had four burgesses there and a market returning 
four shillings a year. 

And the coupling of the burgesses with the market, and the 
correspondence of four shillings with four burgesses, point 
pretty plainly to the conclusion that burghal character and 
market powers went together, and that the distinguishing 
franchise of these four burgesses was the farming of the 
market. As the castle was founded by Baldwin, so no doubt 
was the market, alike for the convenience of his household, 
and for his own personal profit. The mill, it will be seen, 
was worth considerably more than the market — 6s. 8d. a year. 

There is good evidence in the record of two charters — one 
granted by Kobert Courtenay in the earlier part of the 
thirteenth century, and the other by Hugh Courtenay in 
1291. The originals of these charters are not known to 
exist, which is the more unfortunate, since the printed 
translation of the first is clearly inaccurate in sundry points, 
and the copies of both are said to present sundry variations. 
The Turberville charter of South Molton still holds the first 
place with us in point of original antiquity. 

One of the most important points in Robert's charter, for 
which he was paid ten marks, is the statement that the 
liberties and free customs thereby conferred dated from the 
time of Eichard, son of Baldwin the Sheriff, which infers 
the existence of a special grant by him. It seems also as if 
a yearly payment of twelve pence by each burgage as the 
condition of the enjoyment of these franchises dated from 
the same period. By Robert's charter the burgesses were 
empowered to elect a "Prepositum et Praeconem," which 
Richard Shebbeare's copy renders a " portreeve and beadle." 
The portreeve is clear enough ; he is simply the continuation 
of the old Saxon headman or reeve of the township. But 
why praeconem should be rendered beadle, when, as Du Cange 


will show, the name may be applied to all sorts of municipal 
officials, from a mayor to an apparitor, or serjeant, or crier, it 
is not quite easy to see, especially as the only duty assigned 
to him is to pay 6d. in order to be quit of tallage, while the 
portreeve, one of whose duties it was to gather the market 
toll in the town, was not only free of tallage, but had a shilling 
of the toll by way of salary. If we assume that the praeconem 
was the assistant and officer of the portreeve in the discharge 
of his duties we shall not, I suspect, be very wide of the 

The fine set forth for offences against the lord is twelve- 
pence, to be increased for repeated trespass. 

Timber was granted from the wood of Okehampton to 
build houses on new burgages ; and men could become free 
of the burgh in three years, paying fourpence each to the 
lord and the burgh the first year, fourpence to the lord the 
second, and the third year taking up a burgage. Burgesses 
were free to sell their burgages (except to houses of religion, 
which would deprive the lord of his rights) on paying their 
debts, twelvepence to the lord, and fourpence each to the 
burgh and portreeve. Moreover, they could leave them to 
their heirs, could marry (also their children) as they would ; 
and could have a sow and four pigs without pannage in 
Okehampton wood. The market regulations were severe, 
and the tolls somewhat high, save for ware under fourpenee, 
which went' free — the toll for a horse being a penny, for an 
ox a halfpenny, and for five sheep or five hogs a penny. 
The penalty for defrauding toll was 5s. for a farthing, 
10s. for a halfpenny, 20s. for a penny. The burgesses were 
authorized to take the law in their own hands if any man 
bore away the debt of any burgess, until satisfaction was 
made; and were made toll free throughout the grantor's 
right in Devon. 

Hugh Courtenay's charter deals with an exchange of the 
rights of the burgesses to common of pasture, for other rights 
on other parts of the manor, in order to settle controversy 
which had arisen, the condition being the gift by the burgesses 
of two casks (dolia) of wine. Here of course is the historic 
origin of the existing common rights. 

One of the three chief antiquities of Okehampton has 
been already dealt with — the " camp." Of the other two the 
castle claims separate handling. There is no reason, however, 
for deferring the little that has to be said of Brightley Priory, 
the germ of the famous house of Ford. The accepted story 


touching Brightley is, that it was founded by Richard de 
Redvers in 1135, and colonised by Cistercians from Waverley. 
Failing, however, in some way to make their position good, 
they resolved to return to Waverley in 1141, their patron 
having died four years previously. They were met, walking 
in procession, on their road back at Thorncombe by Adelicia, 
Richard's sister, and she giving them her manor of Thorn- 
combe, instead of returning to Waverley they reared the 
Abbey of Ford. I must confess, however, that to my mind 
this incident seems a little too dramatic to have been purely 
accidental, and that I cannot help thinking the whole affair, 
if it happened as related, was pre-arranged. The site at 
Brightley, in the lowlands by the river, is just one of those 
in which the farmer monks delighted; and the name — 
the "bright" or "clear" pasture — seems to indicate its 
reputation as a pleasant place. The monks are said to have 
petitioned to be removed, because the ground produced only 
" thyme and wild nightshade," which, if so, does not increase 
one's appreciation of their veracity. It is much more 
probable that their patron's successor in the barony did not 
regard them with the same favour ; and it is quite possible 
that the cause is hinted at in the clause of Robert's charter, 
prohibiting the alienation of burgages to houses of religion. 
We all know how the legislature had to interfere in later 

The house had never grown to any notable dimensions, 
and the present remains are naturally very scanty ; while if 
the buildings had ever been of any size or architectural 
character, there would be indications in the walls of the 
adjacent hamlet, in some fragments, at any rate, of worked 
stone. Still there should have been a chapel of sufficient 
importance to receive the remains of their first patron ; for 
we read that they were removed thence for burial to Ford, 
with the remains of another Richard, the first abbot. 

It has been commonly held that the only relic of the old 
Priory is a round-headed granite arch in one of the walls 
of the barn at the farm which now occupies the site; but 
having been indebted to the courtesy of Mr. Palmer, the 
occupier, for an inspection of the house, I feel very little 
doubt that some of the walls of the domestic buildings are 
there preserved; and the fact that the arch is in the west 
wall of the barn, which orientates east and west with 
remarkable precision, leads one to suggest that it may have 
been the doorway of the chapel. There are no characteristic 
features about it beyond the fact that it is deeply splayed 


internally, corresponding with the openings in the older part 
of the castle. If the present Priory Farm, which belongs to 
the Okehampton Charity Trustees, and is only ten acres in 
extent, bears any definite relation to the original holding of 
the monks, that will be an additional reason for treating the 
Priory as of very small importance — merely the germ, in short, 
of what, under other conditions, it might have become. 

The curious suggestion has been made that the presence 
of a cross on the presumed "tombstone," dug up while 
Okehampton Church was being rebuilt in 1843 (now built 
into the eastern wall of the fabric), indicates that the person 
commemorated was an ecclesiastic — hence that he might 
have been connected with Brightley. I need hardly say 
that all that it meant was that he was a Christian. One 
rather wonders, likewise, that there should have been any 
hesitation in reading the inscription, seeing that it is only 
at the end that any difficulty is apparent. The published 
reading is, "hic iaced rober cvb de moie b." The correct 
reading is, " mc iacet robertvs de moles." I have called 
it a presumed " tombstone," because it is all but absolutely 
certain that it is the lid of a stone coffin, and if so, from its 
small size — four feet in length, and sixteen inches only 
in width at the widest point, the head — commemorating a 

Who then was this Eobert of Moles ? It will be recalled 
at once that among the aliases of Baldwin the Sheriff is that 
of Baldwin de Molis. Eoger of Moles, whom the Lysons 
suggest as probably a brother or son of Baldwin, was also 
the Domesday holder of Lew Trenchard, and the ancestor 
of the Lords de Meules, one of whom in the thirteenth 
century married Margaret, the daughter of Hugh, Lord 
Courtenay. At first it seemed not unlikely that the Eobert 
in question might have been a child of that marriage. 
Neither the dates nor conditions, however, fit. The Oke- 
hampton church which was burnt down in 1842, was 
consecrated in 1261; but it is also on record that the 
chancel was rebuilt in 1417. There was, however, a church 
long before 1261 ; and the presumption, from what we know 
commonly happened elsewhere, is that at the rebuilding of 
1261 the old chancel was allowed to remain, and continued > / i •■-./' ' r f 
in use until replaced some century and a half later. And it v "v*,,"^ 
is certainly difficult to understand how one portion of the "y " *' " _'__J 
1261 structure should come for rebuilding in 1417, and the j£~~ , .. ; -. £ u 
remainder stand so many centuries longer. , I, ■ r 



The statement with regard to the Robertus stone is that it 
was found six feet below the surface, in digging up the 
foundations of the chancel wall, and that it had " evidently 
been used for a building stone" — a conclusion which depends 
entirely upon the accuracy of observation of the finders. It 
is quite clear that it was located just the right depth for an 
interment. It is equally clear that no memorial belonging 
to a family of such local importance would ever have been 
turned to such a use in 1261, very doubtfully in 1417 ; but 
that all the conditions might very well have been fulfilled by 
overlooking the interment when the later chancel was built. 
Of course, if it was a coffin lid, the coffin ought to have been 
found ; but on that head I have no information. 

The positive, as distinct from the inductive evidence, 
however, not only places the stone before 1261, but con- 
siderably earlier; for the distinctive characteristics of the 
lettering are Saxon, and point to the eleventh century rather 
than the twelfth. Whether Robert of Moles was a son of 
Baldwin, elsewhere unrecorded, or of his brother who finds 
place in the family pedigree, is of course doubtful ; but one 
or the other in my mind he certainly seems to have been ; 
and the memorial is therefore considerably nearer eight than 
seven hundred years old. I can only add my regret that 
this remarkable relic of antiquity was not placed within 
the Church instead of without. 


(Read at Okehampton, July, 1805.; 

An apology is due from me for introducing to this scientific 
and learned Society such a frivolous subject as Sport There 
are many of our members, also, who are exceedingly humane 
— a word which, by virtue of the addition of the letter 
" e," transfers the adjective " human " to its very opposite, 
"humane," for of all creatures the human mortal is the 
most cruel, if not the only creature that can be called cruel 
at all. 

Sport is very human, and is undoubtedly cruel. But as man 
is full of contradictions, among sporting men may be found 
those who have the most sympathy with the lower animals, 
because they know them and their ways best. 

The earliest man of whom we have any evidence was a 
hunter and a fisher. The higher apes are not carnivorous, 
and very far indeed from being cannibal. But although 
nations on nations of men are now vegetarian, existing on 
fruit, which includes rice and corn of ail sorts, the earliest 
men of whom we have any trace seem to have been hunters 
and fishers. 

In a climate such as England, and such as Dartmoor, they 
were certainly hunters, and we have their early weapons in 
evidence. Was there anything else in England on which 
they could live, except the beasts of the field and the fish of 
the sea and rivers ? Man was a fisherman in very remote ages, 
and to this day, it is said, fish are his most wholesome diet 

When a man hunts or fishes for his living it is not sport. 
Ask the fishermen of Plymouth if it is sport Men now 
live by fishing, but the only men who now live by hunting 
are some of the wild savage nations not reached by the 
march of civilization, and it would be idle to ask them if 
hunting is sport. 


The idea of sport must have arisen when the skilled 
hunter found himself superseded by the herdsman and 
shepherd, when the beasts of the chase were a luxurious 
change in diet, and not a necessity. Still the object of 
sport was food, until quite recent times, when sport is 
followed for sport's sake, and food is altogether a secondary 
consideration. Our chief sport now is fox-hunting, and we 
do not eat foxes. 

The red-deer, I take it, indigenous to Europe, and per- 
vading nearly the whole Continent, was the great object of 
man's desire as a hunter after his food, in the most primitive 
days that we are aware of. We have evidence of the 
presence of the reindeer, elk, and others of the tribe, but 
the red-deer was all-pervading. And he is the object of sport 
still, not far from Okehampton, on Exmoor, where the wild 
red-deer is now hunted, whose ancestry might be traced to 
the very earliest days as food for primitive man on Dartmoor. 

The red -deer was the great object of the chase, when 
hunting was first regarded as a sport throughout Europe, 
and methods of hunting him were brought over from France 
by the Conqueror — methods then new to the natives in 
general. The French hunting-terms are now used, and our 
famous cry, " Tally-ho ! " is only a corruption of the French 
call, " II est alU-lw ! " when a deer had gone away. They 
have also the term " blanching " a deer, on Exmoor, used as 
we should say "heading" a fox, that is stopping him and 
turning him back— a great sin in fox-hunting. 

The Forest Laws, so well-known as tyrannical, were 
hunting laws, often used, however, as a means of suppressing 
a people, and are very curious. The pack of hounds is a 
modern invention ; the old method was the arrow from the 
bow, and the stricken deer was run down by hounds at gaze. 
William Eufus was killed by an arrow when hunting in the 
New Forest — the red-deer, no doubt. Hunting the red-deer 
was the sport of kings and princes, with their retinue, and 
the ceremonial was complicated and extravagant. 

We have it on record that Devonshire was disafforested 
in the reign of King John, with the exception of Dartmoor 
and Exmoor. A forest in those days was a part of the 
country not cultivated, not held by any tenant under the 
Crown, hunted over by the King, and subject to the Forest 
Laws. *If the whole of Devonshire were disafforested by 
John, except Dartmoor and Exmoor, it was a forest before, 
under the Forest Laws, and hunted over by the King at his 
pleasure. As I am now dealing with sport, it is needless to 


inquire why this large, fertile county should be made a 
forest in times so late as King John. I have before 
suggested that these Western people were a trouble to the 
Normans, and were put under the Forest Laws as a means 
of subduing them. 

Dartmoor and Exmoor having been retained by the King 
as a forest, it may be presumed they offered a field for sport. 
Imagine Devonshire without a fence, no hedges, no walls, 
its rich pastures, cleared by the early settlers, surrounded by 
dense primeval woods, not to be called Forests if the word 
forest is to be used in its proper sense, reaching by the banks 
of the rivers up to the high and open lands of the moors, 
where such vegetation could not flourish. We can imagine 
the chase of the red-deer by pre-historic man, with his 
primitive bow, and flint arrow-heads, the deer stealthily 
stalked, wounded, and followed up with the hunting craft 
of the savage, pitting his brains, such as they then were, 
against the instincts, strength, and fleetness of foot of the 
monarch of the glen. We can also imagine, in the time of 
John, the pageant of the hunt, the rousing of a deer, a stag 
of ten, according to Scott ; I should say a hart of fifteen. 
A stag is a five-year-old deer, a hart is a six-year-old or 
full-aged deer, and ten points would not be a big head for 
Devonshire, whatever it may be in Scotland. We can 
imagine the rousing of a hart of fifteen in the dense coverts 
on the banks of the Plym, a chase over Dartmoor to the 
banks of the Dart, where the deer would soil, that is, take 
to the water, "as the hart pants for the water-brook," and 
there to blow the mort. There were curious Forest Laws in 
those days, all for the sake of the deer. No dog was allowed 
in the New Forest which could not go through King William 
Kufus's stirrup. The stirrups of these degenerate days would 
admit but a very small dog, the smallest of toy-terriers ; 
but Kufus's stirrup was a large machine to hold his Majesty's 
foot, and a short -legged spaniel could easily pass through. 
Larger dogs were not allowed in the forest unless they were 
lawed, or expedited, that is, three claws were cut off from 
the fore -foot to prevent their following deer at any pace. 
There were two sorts of dog commonly used in the chase 
in those days, the greyhound or gaze-hound, famous for its 
sight and swiftness ; and the bracket, a hound which hunts 
by scent, then a lower class of hound, though now so highly 
prized. There are still remnants of the old Forest Laws on 
Dartmoor. The Venviile men claim a right to take anything 
from the Moor that may do them good, except green oak 


and venison, which should properly be vert and venison, 
vert in that sense meaning the food of the red-deer. The 
Venville men also pay for night-rest. They were not allowed 
on the Moor at night, on acccount of the deer, which they 
might take at night, unbeknown to the Foresters ; but 
when the deer became of less importance, they obtained 
the privilege by paying a trifle by way of fine. 

There is an old tradition of hunting the deer on Dartmoor, 
by Childe, the hunter of Plymstock. He is said to have 
been caught in a snowstorm when hunting a deer, lost his 
way, killed his horse, and got inside him for warmth, where 
he wrote his will on a piece of paper with the horse's blood. 
The will gave all his lands to the person who first took his 
body to holy-ground. This was supposed to have happened 
near Nun's Cross, or Seward's Cross, and Fox Tor, which 
being on the track of the Abbots' Way, the monks of Buck- 
fastleigh and Tavistock — or Buckland and Tavistock, it does 
not matter much which — found his body, and fought over it 
for the privilege of carrying it to holy-ground, thus getting 
his land. The Tavistock monks must have come off victors, 
for the Duke of Bedford has lands in Plymstock to which 
he succeeded when the lands of the monks of Tavistock 
were handed over to his ancestor. Whatever the legend 
may be worth, Nun's Cross stands exactly in the line a deer 
would take if roused on the banks of the Plym, and he then 
crossed to the Dart. 

Within a hundred years from this time the red-deer was 
common in Devonshire, and hunted on Dartmoor. There 
are fine heads hung in some old halls, with a record of where 
the deer was roused, and where he was killed, records of a 
great chase for many miles. The wild red-deer from Exmoor 
sometimes come down to us now, and they sometimes breed 
in our woods. 

It may be of interest to note that the deer of all wild 
animals of the chase was the most important, and had the 
most attention paid to him. He was a luxury to eat, as well 
as a quarry to chase. He had his names for his six ages. 

The Male Red-deer 

was a Calf the first year, 

„ Brocket the second year, 

„ Spayad the third year (now a Pricket), 

» Staggard the fourth year, 

„ Stag the fifth year (when he may be hunted), 
and a Hart the sixth year and afterwards. 


TJie Female Red-deer 

was a Hind-calf the first year, 

„ Brocket's sister the second year (which is curious), or a 
and a Hind the third year and the rest of her life. 

The Fallow- deer, now a much more favourite animal for 
the table, but seldom hunted except in the New Forest, 
was a Fawn the first year, 

„ Pricket the second year, 

„ Sorel the third year, 

„ Sore the fourth year, 

„ Buck of the first head, the fifth year, 
and a Buck, or a Great Buck, the sixth year and afterwards. 

The Female 
was called a Fawn the first year, 

„ a Pricket's sister the second year, 
and a Doe the third year and afterwards. 

Shakespeare's plays are full of hunting terms — the hunting 
of the deer, in his time, of course. In Loves Labour *s Lost we 
have a humorous dispute about a fallow-deer killed by the 
Princess : 

"Sir Nathaniel. Truly, master Holofernes, the epithets are sweetly 
Tailed, like a scholar at the least ; but, Sir, I assure ye, it was a buck of the 
first head. 

" Holofernes. Sir Nathaniel, hand credo. 

" Dull. *T was not a haud credo, 't was a pricket. 

11 Hoi. [Further on] I will something affect the letter, for it argues facility. 
The pniiseful Princess picre'd and prick'd a pretty pleasing pricket ; 
Some say, a sore ; but not a sore, till now made sore with shooting. 
The dogs did yell ; put 1 to sore, then sorel jumps from thicket ; 
Or pricket, sore, or else sorel ; the people fall a hooting. 
If sore be sore, then L to sore makes fifty sores ; sore L ! 
Of one sore I an hundred make, by adding but one more L. " 

In the olden times, those who hunted the deer carried a 
circular horn across the shoulders, in the well-known shape 
of the French horn. In our present style of riding, especially 
falling as we often do, it would be a very cumbersome affair. 
The hunters in those days — horses are called hunters now — 
had to sound the horn, according to rule, and when the deer 
was seen the sound of the horn would tell in what direction 
he was going. I found in Mr. Paul Treby's Diary, the volu- 
minous diary of the well-known sportsman and verderer of 
Dartmoor, of Goodamore, a printed list of the proper notes 
to be sounded on the horn. Five open notes could be 


sounded on the old horn, and here is a specimen of a 
hunting call : NafMg of the ^^ 

tone ton tavern ton tavern ton ton tavern 

— ^ 6 o o 

A Recheat when the Hounds hunt a right ganw. 

• • •• •■ •• * • ** • •• •• •• •• • • • 

o — ooo.o.o.o.oo — o. oo. o.o.o 

The old hunting cry, " Tantivy/' is most likely a corrup- 
tion of the horn-note, " Ton-Tavern." 

To sound such a recheat at the right time, a man must 
be an experienced hunting-man, and to sound the wrong 
note at the wrong time was to incur condign punishment 
with the whip at the end of the chase. 

The deer was mischievous to the crops of the farmer ; he 
liked turnips, apples, and just the delicate tops of the oat- 
ears, in addition to his own vert, or browsing on the young 
leaves of trees. He was also troublesome to the eager hunts- 
man. He would refuse to leave a big covert, and he was 
wont to soil, that is, take to the rivers and abide in them. 
It was also found by experience that a much smaller and, 
till then, despised animal would show better sport. This 
animal was the fox, the fox of JEsop's and other fables. 

Fox-hunting is the great sport of the day, and fox-hunting 
on Dartmoor is the sport of all others for which Dartmoor is 

I hold some heterodox opinions about hunting. They may 
be poor things in the way of opinions, but mine own. The deer 
is a creature the nature of which is to be hunted by wolves, 
man, and what not ; he has, therefore, acquired instincts to 
serve him when he is hunted, such as taking notice of the 
wind, foiling his scent, and so forth. On the other hand, 
the fox is a hunter by nature, and is not hunted except by 
man ; I, therefore, contend that he has no wiles to avoid or 
deceive the hunter, knows nothing whatever about the wind, 
and merely takes to his heels, which are fleet and clever, to 
get away from the hounds. If he has heard hounds and 
horn in his cub-days, he remembers them for ever after, and 
puts his trust in his speed. He is a great wanderer, and 
knows his country perfectly — the older he is, the more and 
the better he knows it ; on the first alarm he will leave for 
a distant home, and then comes the great run. Like the 
deer, he can be found — he is found, not roused — in a dense 
covert on one side of Dartmoor, crosses the Moor to the 
other side, and few there be that can follow. 


I spoke of the pageantry of the hunting of the deer in the 
olden days, when it was the sport of kings. Fox-hunting 
is a showy affair now, with the red coat, top-boots, and 
spurs ; the hunter, now the best horse bred for all purposes 
except heavy harness work ; the pack of hounds, every 
hound having been carefully bred for his shape, size, nose, 
and even colour, for generations on generations ; and the 
etiquette of the field. Foxes are found on the skirts of the 
Moor, and give us a gallop across the best parts. Very 
pretty they are, but not like the great run before referred to. 
Foxes are also found in the bogs, having made their kennel 
in a snug piece of heath, where quiet and silence reign 
supreme, until the hounds come. They also will give us a 
pretty gallop, back to their happy hunting-grounds in the 
large coverts " in along/' as we say in Devonshire. These 
runs are not the great runs, but they are good enough for 
most people. The forward men are forward always ; five 
per cent, of the field is a liberal allowance for such as they 
are ; the rest follow on, see a great deal if they have an eye 
for sport, and can tell you a great deal more afterwards than 
anybody else. They can tell who was first and who was 
last, who had a fall, whose horse stopped, and who was thrown 
out, that is, lost the hounds, and went home a sadder if not 
a wiser man. 

In the case of a great run a deer will go thirty miles, and 
I have known a fox go twenty-three and twenty-four miles. 
In such a run both the man and the horse must have a good 
heart. The pace is very great on Dartmoor — there are no 
fences to stop hounds, and the ground carries a high scent. 
Scent in hunting is a mystery, and as we have not the noses 
of a hound, it will always be so to us. To ride down these 
steep hills on Dartmoor, over the rocks and stones at a 
good pace, requires a good heart in the rider, and to go up 
these same hills at a good pace requires a good heart in the 
horse. The whole chase demands great judgment on the 
part "of the horseman, and an intimate knowledge of the 
Moor, for the bogs are to be crossed somehow, and it is this 
requisite knowledge of the Moor that unfortunately puts 
the stranger, however good a man he may be, out of it No 
hounds go faster, or so fast, as fox -hounds on Dartmoor, 
except, perhaps, stag - hounds on Exmoor. To see a good 
run on Dartmoor to the finish, both man and horse must 
be of the very best, and there can be no better sport. 

Yes, it may be said on the part of the fox, sport to you 
is death to us, and it is cruel. It is so, but where would be 


the fox if it were not for fox-hunting ? He, a beautiful, 
graceful, clever animal, the hero of many fables, would be 
extinct, with the wild cat, martin, polecat, eagle, kite, 
peregrine-falcon, and other fine creatures of Nature. He 
would have been trapped and destroyed utterly. Now he 
leads a charmed life, it is a sin to hurt him, and until the 
fatal day comes he has found his heels protection enough. 
We all have our fatal days, and when his comes, the fox has 
a bad quarter of an hour. Up to that time he thinks his 
heels will serve him as good a turn as they have before. 
Which of us would not compromise with fate for a bad 
quarter of an hour, when our time comes ? 

There is also hare-hunting on Dartmoor. 

The modern harrier is more of a small foxhound than 
the hound described and drawn by Bewick, and modern 
hare-hunting is a much faster affair than it used to be, say 
in the days of Squire Western. Again referring to the 
diary of Paul Treby, the Squire of Goodamoor, it appears 
that most country gentlemen, about a hundred years ago, 
kept their pack of harriers. There is a story told of Paul 
Treby, that a friend of his said to him that a gentleman 
was coming to live in the neighbourhood who would be a 
man after his own heart, for he hunted five days a week. 
The reply he got was, "What the deuce does he do with 
himself the other day ! " 

The sound ground on the outskirts of the Moor is very 
favourable for hare - hunting, and there is plenty of it. I 
am inclined to think the modern, fast hound is very advan- 
tageous to the hare. The hare, as an animal hunted by 
many enemies, in the natural course of things, might be 
supposed to have developed instincts for her preservation. 
Men talk of the craftiness of the hare, but an old hunting- 
friend of mine said, " They talk of a hare's craft ; I say 
she is a fool." The fact is she is very fleet of foot, and 
trusts to her speed alone. Men give her credit for design, 
when she has none, and so lose her. 

Hare -hunting on Dartmoor has seen an extraordinary 
development in late years. After hare -hunting in general 
is over, and ought to be over, in the month of May, two 
or three packs of harriers are taken to Princetown to hunt 
every day for a week, in the heart of the Moor. On the 
Friday of that week the meet is always at Beliver Tor, and 
is the most wonderful sight, perhaps, in the annals of hunting. 
Beliver Tor, which is a fine tor, surrounded with good ground, 
is the scene on that occasion, each year, of a most extra- 


ordinary gathering of people from far and wide. People on 
horseback, people on foot, people in every species of 
carriage, from the four-in-hand to the village cart, all come 
to picnic on the tor, with the champagne luncheon down 
to the humble sandwich, and see the sport. It has become 
a sort of fashion to go to this meet, therefore of course 
everybody goes, to see one another if for nothing else. 
Another curious fact is that a good number of hares appear 
on the occasion, and one or two get killed, though the 
chances in such a crowd are much in their favour. 

Let me protest, in passing, against calling Beliver Tor by 
the Cockney name of Belle Vue Tor. No one but a City 
tourist would think of such an outrageous name for it 
Beliver, whatever it may mean, is not Belle Vue. 

The hunted hare is said to be tender, and a dainty morsel 
I believe this to be a great delusion. Tender it is, but the 
hare dies in a high fever, and to my mind the flesh has a 
sickening taste. I have observed the same in trapped rabbits 
and trapped pheasants, poor brutes that have been languish- 
ing for hours, perhaps, in the cruel gin, in a state of hideous 
fear. The taste of such flesh is to me offensive, and I warn 
anyone against buying hares, rabbits, or pheasants with a 
broken leg. 

Sport on Dartmoor includes otter - hunting. The otter 
frequents all our rivers, but is seldom seen by man, except 
when hunted. The lonely fisherman may see him some- 
times, but not often. He is hunted with the otter-hound 
proper, or with the foxhound. The foxhound is the general 
favourite, as well he may be. He is as perfect as a long 
succession of men, who have devoted their time to breeding 
him, could make him. He is a foxhound, but he is used 
for stag-hunting, otter-hunting, and hare-hunting. The otter- 
hound is a large, rough-coated, patient, babbling hound, with 
a fine tongue, and handsome withaL The foxhound has an 
unrivalled hose ; he is very quick and dashing, as becomes 
him, and I question if many an otter does not owe his life 
to the forward dash of the foxhound. Otter-hunting is a 
fine sport on Dartmoor, especially on the Biver Dart. It is 
a summer sport, and to go up stream with the otter-hounds 
on the banks of a sparkling river, in a lovely valley, is in 
itself a joy. It is not always easy to find an otter, and 
many that may be on the river are not found when the 
hounds are out, but when found the chase is lively. The 
water carries the scent on the surface, and down stream a 
hound may speak on it some way below where the otter 



may be moving. To see a pack of hounds swim a pool, 
every hound speaking, and the valley echoing their musical 
tongues, is an exciting spectacle. The otter is supposed 
to be killed because he himself, in his turn, kills the salmon. 
I like otter-hunting very much, all except the death, which 
I always deplore. But, after all, not very many are killed. 

There has been, in times not long gone by, fulmart-hunting 
on Dartmoor. The fulmart is the foul martin, the polecat, 
or fitch ; alas ! extinct, or nearly so, on Dartmoor. A few 
choice spirits, say about fifty years ago, used to take three 
or four couple of foxhounds to Two Bridges, for fulmart- 
hunting in the heart of the Moor. A friend has told me 
that hunting the fulmart was the best sport of alL I do 
not know why. The fulmart frequented the rivers, was 
very destructive of all the smaller animals, and he was the 
dread of the poultry - yard. One or two may be left on 
Dartmoor, but gamekeepers and warreners are his deadly 
enemies, and in England at all events he is practically 

Fishing is another sport, and a very favourite one, on 
Dartmoor. Trout are plentiful, though small, on the lucid 
Dartmoor streams, and salmon go up to their spawning beds 
in goodly numbers. No other fish are found there. The 
Dart may be said to be the best stream on Dartmoor for 
both, and the artificial fly, the minnow, and natural baits 
are used with rod and line. Very little, if any, net-fishing 
is practised on Dartmoor, though now and then a skilful 
man with a sport-net in a small stream may land a good 

Finally, there is plenty of shooting on Dartmoor. The 
Duchy of Cornwall issue licences at 10s. 6d. each, and if 
the quantity of game on the Moor were divided by the 
number of sportsmen the result would not be very promising 
to each. But walking fifty miles with a gun and a dog or 
two seems to be lure enough. There are duck, heath-poult, 
snipe, a woodcock or a partridge now and then, and golden 
plover, to be shot on Dartmoor. Snipe are the most common, 
and heath-poult — the handsome black cock, and his beautiful 
grey hen of a rich heather colour — are to be found at times 
in number enough to repay one for a good hard day's walk. 
But they soon get shot down, and the wonder is that there 
are any left There is not much game on Dartmoor, 
which, notwithstanding, is pretty well shot over from all 
quarters. A good, far-ranging, staunch setter is the best dog 
for Dartmoor ; a setter of a colour that can be seen at a long 


distance, and will stay still and steady till you can get up 
to him. With such a dog — and they are to be had — you can 
bag half-a-dozen snipe, and some odds and ends, in a day. 
A friend of mine gave me, on separate occasions, a quail 
that he had shot on Dartmoor, and a stormy petrel. 

So much for sport on Dartmoor. The air is fine and 
stimulating, and the sport inspires enthusiasm, or as a sports- 
man would say, makes one keen. I do not wish to convert 
this learned Society into a " sporting lot," but as we devote 
a great deal of our attention to Dartmoor, it may be well 
to give a thought to its sports amongst its other attractions. 

K 2 


BT B. N. WORTH, F.O.8. 
(Read at Okehampton, July, 1806.) 

"There stands a castle/' are the words in which the 
Domesday scribe first records on the pages of history the 
existence of the fortalice of Baldwin the Sheriff, the chief 
seat of his great Honour and Barony of Okehampton. And 
what was true eight hundred years ago is true still 
"There stands a castle" yet That in its earlier days this 
was of much local importance, in its command of the country 
to the immediate north and east of Dartmoor, follows of 
necessity from its situation, but record is absolutely silent as 
to its having ever played any leading part in the strifes and 
wars of the Middle Ages. We have scant note of its builders, 
and less than a dozen lines would tell all that has been 
clearly handed down to us concerning it, from its first 
mention in Domesday to the note of its dismantling in the 
sixteenth century. When we have said that it passed from 
the Redverses to the Courtenays, from the Gourtenays to the 
Mohuns; and so, through Savilles and Vyvyans, to its present 
owner, Mr. Eeddaway, we have really said about everything 
that is really needful, or, indeed, possible. All that remains 
to add is that, since it was a residence, it has never been in 
more heedful hands than those of the gentleman to whom the 
public are indebted alike for needful conservation and liberal 
access, and I for the special courtesies which have made the 
writing of this paper possible. 

Okehampton Castle differs from the other ancient castles 
of Devon in several noteworthy features. Most of the 
Norman fortalices, whether in this county or in Cornwall, 
have round shell keeps — as at Plympton and Totnes, 
Bestormel and Launceston, may be seen to this day. The 


typical Norman castles, with the true square keeps, were 
fewer in number, but as a rule, of greater comparative 
importance. Among them, that of Okehampton occupies 
what may be regarded as a middle position. More important 
than Lydford in its adjuncts, it must have been much 
inferior to Exeter — Rougemont ; nor in its later phases can 
it ever have compared with the other Courtenay hold at 
Tiverton, as a residence with their present seat at Powder- 
ham, or in extent and defensive power with the stronghold 
of the Pomeroys at Berry. Nevertheless, in the early Middle 
Ages, it must have been regarded as a place of no little 
strength and dignity, when the Courtenays had completed 
what the Sedverses begun. 

Of some of the Norman castles, specially those with 
the shell keeps, we may be pretty sure that they occupied 
the site of Saxon strengths, which may, to some extent, have 
dictated their plan. This was certainly so at Plympton and 
Totnes and Launceston and Barnstaple. Okehampton, 
however, seems to be purely of Norman origin. The site, 
indeed, is one that might have been chosen by the Saxon ; 
but in the West, at any rate, he would never have undertaken 
the heavy work of cutting through the spur of the hill to 
isolate the keep, on which its main strength depended. He 
had already fortified his "tun" in the fork of the twin 
rivers, and before that had erected his stockade on the 
upland (Haktock), and a fortalice on the castle hill would 
have been of no use to him for the safeguard of his local 
interests. With the Norman, needing a centre of jurisdiction, 
the case was different He had to keep in order, rather than 

i defend. His protective ideas were in the main confined 

I to himself. 

It is not quite easy to say what the full plan of the 
castle in its complete form may have been. The castle hill 
is cut off from the spur of the high land, of which it forms 
the eastern point, by a deep notch through the solid slate 
rock on the west. It is steeply scarped to the north and 
south (where the West Okement formed a moat) ; and is ap- 
proached by a more gradual slope, still sharp, however, only 

i from the east. On the crest of the hill thus isolated stand 
the grim ruins of the keep, on a mound which may be partly 
artificial in height, as it certainly is in form. Down the 

| slope to the eastward, connected with the mound by curtain 

I walls, are the remains of two ranges of buildings, north 
and south, with a narrowing yard between them leading 
to the main gateway. Beyond this gateway, further to 


the eastward still, at the foot of the hill, and on the level 
of the ancient river bank, are fragments of the outer gate 
or barbican. 

Now, while it is perfectly clear that the keep was 
defensible in itself, and that the inner courtyard, with its 
double set of buildings, and its curtain walls, formed with 
the keep a complete fortalice, well protected by the escarp- 
ment — no doubt stockaded — from any sudden attack, it is 
by no means so clear that it would have held a garrison 
or munitions capable of standing even a short siege. If, 
however, the barbican gate, instead of being merely an 
outwork for the main entrance, formed part of a still larger 
external mural cincture enclosing the whole, there would 
have been plenty of room to accommodate a fairly large 
garrison in the wooden shelters which commonly formed 
the abodes of the mediaeval rank and file. I am bound, 
however, to say that I have been unable to satisfy myself 
that such a complete line of exterior defence existed ; or that 
the main building ever consisted of much more than one 
sees, or can trace, of the keep and the two wings, of what I 
should perhaps call, somewhat by courtesy, the base court. 
The barbican was, of course, much more extensive than now 

On the age of the castle, the structural indications are 
distinct. The oldest part of the edifice is the keep ; the most 
recent that portion of the southern block which contains the 
remains of the chapel ; and they date architecturally from 
the Norman to the Early English periods— or, say, from the 
eleventh to nearly the close of the thirteenth centuries. 
Domesday, of course, is clear that a castle of some kind had 
been erected before 1086. William of Worcester, who 
visited this "famous castle," as he calls it, in 1478, when it 
was intact, records — no doubt on what he thought good 
^r , authority — that it was built by " Thomas, the first Courtenay 
k '„:;,.: ..-.;»// earl." This, however, was clearly not the case, equally on 

the evidence of history and of structure, and I was once 
inclined, therefore, to adopt the suggestion of Grose, that 
Thomas simply carried out what may have been somewhat 
extensive repairs and modifications, the main features of the 
structure remaining as he found them. But it is far more 
likely the fact that it was held by Thomas Courtenay at 
William's visit, is responsible for his slip, and that he was 
right in ascribing the main body of the fabric to the true 
first Courtenay earl, Hugh, who succeeded in 1292, on the 


Sketch Ground Plan. 


Sketch First Floor Plan. 




death of Isabella de Fortibus — a date which fits in excellently 
with the architectural character of the later edifice. 

I at one time held that no part of Baldwin's work re- 
mained, but I am now convinced not only that the lower 
portion of the keep walls is essentially Norman, but Norman 
that may well be of his time. Close inspection will show 
that the northern wall is certainly the oldest part of the 
structure, as it stands, and it will be noticed also that in this 
wall, and some of the lower parts of the keep walls else- 
where, the materials largely consist of water-worn stones 
from the river-bed below, while the upper portions of the 
walls (like the walls of the castle generally) are built of the 
massive native slate. Evidently the original masons took 
the materials they could get with the least trouble, and that 
lay nearest to hand. These walls average near the base 
something near seven feet in thickness, and are, therefore, of 
great strength in proportion to the size of the structure. 

The keep is rectangular in plan, with the longer axis 
east and west, in two sections, now divided from each other 
by gaps in the walls north and south. The eastern section, 
moreover, is broader than the western, and may have been 
an addition in some sort to the original building. In its final 
form the keep consisted of two rooms below and two above, 
entered by a low -pointed doorway in the north-eastern 
corner, immediately within which, on the north, a flight of 
stone steps in the wall led to the upper floor and to the roof, 
The cavities for the sliding bar which fastened the outer door 
still remain ; and both the arches of the external doorway 
and the stair opening are intact, with the arch on the inner 
side of the porch or passage in the thickness of the wall. A 
doorway, lower, but of similar character, led from the outer 
into the inner apartment on the ground floor ; and this latter 
division I have been somewhat inclined to regard as the 
original keep, on to which the outer section was first grafted 
by Kedvers, and modified by Courtenay. But there is no 
certain evidence. 

This inner apartment is 26 feet by 16, and is lit on the 
ground floor by three deeply-splayed windows, with small 
openings, in the north, west, and south walls respectively, 
the doorway being the only opening on the east The 
northern window is round-headed, in rubble masonry with- 
out dressings. The eastern and southern are semi-pointed, 
and may have been altered, in rebuilding, from the northern 
form; while the southern has been partially blocked out- 
ward by granite dressings, so as to reduce it to a longitudinal 


slit once containing iron bars. There are remains of similar 
dressings in the northern. 

Nine joists, supported by two transverse beams, carried the 
floor of the upper room. Here there is another window in 
the north wall, immediately over that below. The south wall 
contains a fireplace and a large window, both with dressings. 
The west wall another large window, and a rude lancet arch 
in granite, giving entrance to a garderobe in the northern 
corner. A roof corbel remains. There are a good many 
patches of plastering. 

The outer chamber is the larger of the two, 22 feet by 22, 
on the ground floor; but the walls are so broken away on 
each outer side, that is impossible to say more than that 
it appears to have been lighted much after the same fashion 
as the inner — certainly on the south — while there was 
a window also on the east. Nor can we say whether it 
contained a fireplace, like its neighbour, above. There are, 
however, the remains of a second garderobe on the south, 
wrought in the thickness of the wall ; and the drains to both 
are complete. The upper apartments were somewhat bigger 
than the lower, because the thickness of the middle wall was 
reduced at the floor level. The defence must have been from 
the roof, to which the newel stair gave access; and at the 
head of the staircase there is just one fragment of the 
battlements. In case of a siege before the rest of the castle 
was built, or as a last place of refuge, the quarters of the 
garrison must have been excessively inconvenient, and their 
capacity for storage of provisions and munitions of war very 

The keep is, at present, approached from below by a 
winding path, but a sketch of the castle, taken by T. H. 
Williams, early in the century, seems to shew traces of a 
sunken way, which would, of course, be provided with steps, 
and in the absence of which, indeed, the access to the keep 
would be exposed to the missiles of the assailants. Some 
sort of protected access, in later days at any rate, there must 
have been. 

We have now to deal with the main buildings. These, 
as has already been said, form two ranges, or blocks, on the 
north and south of a long and narrow base court, triangular 
in plan, in consequence of their convergence on the main 
gateway at the eastern end. All these buildings are 
essentially of one period and style, though I am not sure 
that they follow one original design. 



The main feature of the northern range is the great hall, 
with the solar, or lord's chamber, over the usual undercroft, 
or cellar, at its upper (western) end. This is the only part 
of the northern section of the castle that is substantially 
intact. The hall was a fine apartment, 45 ft. in length by 
25 in breadth; and was lit by two large windows in the 
southern wall, to the west of which was the entrance, a 
boldly-moulded granite doorway, 4 ft. 4£ in. in width. At 
the lower end of the hall, in the south-eastern corner, a 
doorway leads into what was a staircase -turret, lit by a 
loop, which gave access to the roof. A few of the lower 
steps remain, and some fragments of fallen masonry. It 
was at this end, in halls of later date, that the kitchen and ^ f 1 ., 
buttery were approached ; but the hall is characteristically t '" ' 
twelfth century in plan, and there are no existing traces of v "■[ '■■/**■ ^ c 
offices of that, or any sort, in the space between the end fa '/ 't /> 
of the hall and the main gateway, the wall of which, on this 
northern side, is much ruinated. These offices, therefore, 
must either have been of small structural importance, or of 
a mere temporary character. A doorway at the upper end 
of the hall, in the south-western corner, leads on the level 
into the cellar, 14 ft. by 25, lit on the south by a splayed 
loop, and on the west by a loop and a window of larger 
size. The northern wall is broken, and its indications 
doubtful. This chamber was entered from outside by steps 
through a doorway in the north-west corner, the dressings 
of which still retain the tool marks. 

Above the cellar are the remains of the lord's chamber, lit 
by a window on the south, and containing a window, fire- 
place, and garderobe on the west. The garderobe is formed 
in a little projection from the main building, lit by a loop, 
and has apparently been cut off from the chamber by a 
structural screen of some kind, the broken chase of which 
remains. It is not quite clear how the room was reached, 
but the wall between it and the hall is so broken down, that 
a stair might very well have been carried up from the dais in 
connection with the space apparently screened off — a common 
arrangement There are fragments of masonry in the north- 
eastern corner of the cellar, which look like steps leading up 
to the dais. If what they seem, there may have been a 
wooden stair to the solar. Towards the centre of the hall 
are what may be the remains of the hearth. 

The hall and its adjuncts are separated from the building 
to the west by a narrow passage, which has been regarded as 
forming a kind of private approach. There are, however, no 

r . 


traces of any gate — and it is evident that the passage owes 
its origin to the fact that the hall is isolated. There must, 
therefore, have been some means of defence here. In fact, 
the absence of distinctive defensive works in this block 
of the buildings, is very striking. And whether there was 
ever an exterior cincture in connection with the barbican or 
not ; it is quite evident that a wall must have continued from 
the main gateway, round the hall to the keep mound, forming 
a narrow, but no doubt effective, rampart. On the south, the 
buildings themselves form the enclosure; and I think the need 
of this special work on the north, helps the conclusion that 
the hall was the earliest work of reconstruction. To the west 
of this passage are the ruins of a square building, with no 
noteworthy characteristics remaining, and from this the 
remains of a curtain wall run to the mound of the keep. 

The southern range is much more extensive and complete 
than the northern, and includes several interesting features. 
The eastern end and by far the greater portion of the 
southern face are intact and picturesque; and it is quite 
clear that when both sides of the gateway were standing, 
this portion of the castle must have had a very bold and 
dignified appearance. It will be convenient for the purposes 
of description to deal with this range as two sections — the 
eastern containing the guard and residential chambers, and 
the western the chapel. 

This eastern section consists of a two-storied block of 
buildings, the upper floor of which is approached by a door- 
way from the exterior, immediately north of the chapel ; the 
rooms communicating with each other. To the ground 
floor there are two entrances, and there was no internal 
connection between the separate apartments thus approached 
— the eastern, nearest the gate, were certainly the guard- 
rooms ; the western may very well have been used, at any 
rate occasionally, as a place of ward. 

The guard-rooms consisted of two chambers, each about 
17 feet in width, the one 30 ft. 6 in., and the other 21ft. 
in length. The western of these has a garderobe, built out 
in a square turret with similar accommodation for both 
floors, and lit by a small arrow-slit on the eastern face. The 
entrance to the garderobe is in the southern wall at the 
western corner ; and to the east of this is a deeply splayed 
pointed window, which ends in a rectangular loop. The 
state of the northern wall prevents our ascertaining how the 
room was lit on that side. The eastern or outer guard-room 


is lit on the south by two squared-looped windows, pointed 
within. A doorway in the north-eastern corner leads from 
this room into a small chamber in the gate-tower, 9 ft. 9 in. 
by 6 ft. 6 in., which formed the porter's lodge or look-out, a 
loop window in the eastern wall commanding the approach. 
Above this chamber there is one precisely similar in the 
upper story (the floor, of course, is gone), and it is note- 
worthy that this is the only part of the fabric that retains 
its roof, which is supported by three massive stone ribs. 
A deep recess in the southern wall continues from one 
room into the other, and in its present form is somewhat 

The western room of the ground floor section of this block 
— 28 ft. by 17 ft. 3 in. — is entered, like the adjacent guard- 
chambers, by a doorway in the northern wall, in the extreme 
north-western corner. It is lit by two deeply splayed 
windows of the usual small type, one in the south wall, 
slightly pointed, and one in the north, the outer dressings of 
which retain the holes in which iron bars were formerly set. 
There is a garderobe forming part of the external turret 
already noted, opening from the eastern end of the south 

The upper suite of rooms, as already explained, is entered 
from the exterior by a doorway in the angle of the western 
wall, which projects beyond the chapel, originally approached 
by steps. So far as can be seen they correspond in size and 
number with the rooms below, the doorways in the partitions 
being next the southern wall, with the exception of the 
doorway into the little chamber above the porter's lodge, 
which is directly over that below. 

The southern wall of the western chamber of this suite 
contains in succession, going eastward, a window much larger 
than the one below (following the castle rule), a fireplace, and 
a garderobe entered like its companions by a lancet doorway 
— the turret thus containing a set of four. The southern 
wall of the second chamber contains in like succession a 
garderobe, window, and fireplace, the chimney from which 
is boldly corbelled on the exterior. The window had a 
traceried head and a stone seat formed in the sill. The 
northern wall of all three is mainly in a state of ruin. 
These rooms were the principal residential part of the castle 
in its latest form. It is quite possible that the small 
chamber was an oratory or private chapel. What appears 
to be a corbel from below has a drain, and may well have 
been a piscina, though unusually placed. 


At the western end of the group of chambers is what 
p is commonly known as the chapel, but this is evidently 

v a portion of a larger structure, which has, perhaps for the 

most part, disappeared. The orientation is clearly dictated 
by the lines of the main body of this section of the castle, 
being N.E. and S.W. It is 14 feet in width by 20 in 
length, and has a two-light window, with the remains of 
traceried heads, in each side wall, and a very elegant trefoil 
headed piscina in the southern wall, of good Early English 
type, but rather late, corresponding with the fragments of 
the window tracery. As the east wall of the chancel is 
the west wall of the guard-room block there is no east 
window. The position of the piscina shows that the floor 
must have been considerably above the present level of 
the ground. At the western end of the north chancel 
wall are the remains of one side, with the springing, of what 
was evidently another window, but beyond this, whether 
to the north or south, there are only a few fallen masses 
of masonry, of which nothing can be made. 

On the south, however, the wall is continued at right 
angles, transeptal fashion, to the remains of a small chamber 
in a projecting square tower, which contains an arrow 
slit It is not at all improbable — in fact, most likely — that 
the residence of the priest, or chaplain, was here, but the 
whole of this part of the fabric is too much ruined, broken 
down, in fact, nearly to the foundations, to allow of any 
very definite deductions. It does not seem, however, to 
have been part of the chapel, which probably consisted 
of little if anything more than the present chancel and area 
connected with an extension westward. Several of the roof 
corbels remain in the chapel, and the walls are battlemented. 
At the western end of the chapel, and its adjacent tower, 
there is a gap broken in the outer wall, which commences 
again at the corner of a chamber that has almost wholly 
disappeared, but still contains the remains of another 
garderobe. There was a two-storied building here, continued 
by the curtain wall to the keep mound, completing the 
enclosure, but very little can be made of it beyond the fact 
that there are two posterns — one in what appears to have 
been the building, approached from within by a flight of 
steps, and the other in the curtain wall. The former has 
a kind of projecting penthouse hood on the exterior. 

\ The dressings vary in material, from ordinary granite 

to a fine working elvan, and a close reddish grit which 


I learn comes from Hatherleigh, and which in some parts, as 
elsewhere noted, retains the tool marks. This stone was 
used for the tracery of the chancel windows, and the piscina 
appears to be of kindred material Yet, in spite of its 
excellent state of preservation, it is so free working that it is 
easily cut with a knife, as the well-known inscription by one 
of the French prisoners of war, interned at Okehampton early 

in this century, testifies: "Hie V 1 fuit captivus belli, 

1809." The early masonry is very massive and solid, and 
much of the later shows very good work. The granite 
dressings are the rudest, but this may quite as much be due 
to the refractory character of the material, as to any note- 
worthy want of skill on the part of the workmen, though it 
is most probable that the different dressing materials are 
indicative in the main of different periods of operation. 

The general conclusions which I draw from the structural 
character of the remains, with such slight aid as history 
affords, may be summed up very shortly. Baldwin the 
Sheriff, in the first place isolated and scarped the castle 
mound, and reared thereon a square keep, of which the base 
of the western section of the present keep is essentially part, 
the northern wall shewing some of his work practically 
intact. Somewhat later, but still in Norman times, the 
eastern section of the keep was added. We have no clear 
trace of what other buildings there may then have been 
on the slopes below, now occupied by the main body of 
the castle, and possibly they were neither very extensive 
nor permanent in character. Be that as it may, they have 
all disappeared. There must, however, have come a time 
during the continuance of the Bedvers lordship, when the 
need of better residential accommodation than the keep 
afforded must have been urgent ; and to that period, it seems 
to me, belong, at least in inception and origin, the northern 
range of buildings, especially the hall and its adjuncts, which 
carry out, as I have said, precisely the customary twelfth- 
century plan of such structures. Of course, there must also 
have been other buildings completing the enclosure on the 
south, but of their character we have less direct evidence. 
Finally, in the early days of the Courtenay regime — per- 
haps commencing with Isabella de Fortibus, Bess of 
Hardwick is not the only great lady builder — towards the ^_-- 

end of the thirteenth century, this norther n block wa3 >'*/'■,£** 
rebuilt, with its elegant chapel, and a suite of residential 
apartments for the lord and his family, which in these days 


would have been regarded as "exceeding magnifical," while 
the whole of the elder buildings that were retained, the keep 
included, were reconstructed, and brought into harmony with 
the new work. There were, of course, minor stages and 
subsequent changes, but these seem to me the main features 
in the structural history of the Castle of Okehampton. It 
may be that the judicious clearing out of the soil and 
rubbish, which has in the course of centuries accumulated 
to a considerable extent in some of the chambers, would 
throw further light upon many interesting details, but I do 
not think it would add materially to our knowledge of the 
main facts. 




BT 8IB J. B. PHBAR, M.A., F.G.8. 
(Read at Okehampton, July, 1895^ 

The ancient walls of the Castle at Exeter have, on two 
recent occasions, formed the subject of short notices, which 
have found place in the Transactions of this Association. 

The first of these notices (read at Tiverton, July, 1891) 
stated the circumstances under which considerable repairs 
had been carried out in the spring of 1891, with the object 
of rendering the southern wall of the Castle-yard secure, 
and also described the discovery made, in the course of that 
work, of human skeletons beneath the floor of the Castle- 
keeper's Lodge. 

The second (read at Plymouth in the following year) 
continued, virtually, the same story somewhat farther. The 
rebuilt portion of the wall had, in the interval, suddenly 
collapsed, giving way at the foundation, and carrying with 
it, at each extremity, additional portions of the inner face 
of the ancient wall. The work of repair had to be recom- 
menced on a larger scale than before ; and in the course of 
the excavations, incidental to making the requisite founda- 
tions for this purpose, and in also clearing the ground for 
a new lodge, some more skeletons were discovered, as well as 
a few Roman coins, small fragments of armour, and other 
articles of interest, which seemed to deserve mention in the 
pages of the Association's Transactions. 

The purpose of the present paper is to record briefly 
certain other repairs, which have since been done to two 
other entirely distinct portions of the Castle walls, one on 
the south, and the other on the north side of the Castle-yard ; 
and to draw attention to some points of interest disclosed 
in the course of the work. 

voi* XXVIL l 


It should be mentioned that the existing remains of the 
Castle, consist of massive ancient walls, which, roughly 
speaking, face respectively north and south, east and west, 
and enclose a quadrangular space of approximately 300 feet 
square. The present entrance to this quadrangle, or court, 
now the Castle-yard, is by a roadway, which has been made 
in comparatively modern times, through the southern wall, 
a little to the west of its middle point ; and just adjoining 
that, to the west again, is still standing the old gate- 
tower, sometimes called the Barbican, which, approached 
by a drawbridge over the outside ditch, constituted the main 
entrance to the fortress in Plantftgenet days. It is now a 
mere shell, but it retains its full height, or nearly so; and 
covered with ivy, as it was until lately, to its very top, it 
has long formed a widely-known and interesting feature in 
picturesque Exeter. 

A few months ago several successive falls of large pieces 
of stone, from the upper portions of the tower, served as 
a warning to indicate that the structure was in a very 
dangerous state, and on careful examination it was dis- 
covered that unless measures were promptly taken to secure 
the building, it was almost certain that the tower would ere 
long suddenly collapse and fall in ruins. 

The work of reparation was at once entrusted, by the 
County Authority, to the able and experienced hands of 
Mr. Harbottle, the County Surveyor, and the measures 
which he found it necessary to take, and which extended 
in time over a period of many months, are thus concisely 
described by him : 

" The tower was found to be in a most dilapidated condition. 
The Norman work was so damaged and fractured by the growth 
of ivy roots and young trees, that it was with great difficulty 
much of the walling could be preserved. By careful under- 
pinning, and by replacing some of the quoins, which in many 
places were the only tie to the structure, it has been made secure. 
The mortar, with which it is built, more resembles earth than 
anything else, and in the middle of the walls ivy roots were found 
grown to a thickness of three inches.' 1 

There are several particulars of interest apparent in this 
old gate- tower, 1 which are doubtless known to many members 
of this Association, but which perhaps may, without impro- 
priety, be shortly indicated here. Although placed to serve 

1 The great gate-tower is l>y local tradition utill known as Athelstan'H 
Tower. And Bishop Grandisson, according to Dr. Oliver {Hid. of Ext:te.r t 


the purpose of a barbican, the form and structure of the 
work is rather that of a Norman keep. It is square in 
ground-plan, with its side-walls projecting beyond the gate- 
way, in the manner of buttresses, towards the ditch. The 
ground -floor of the Tower was simply roadway, opening 
outwards to the drawbridge and inwards to the Castle-yard, 
by two semicircular Norman archways. In addition to 
these archways, north and south, there is, in the eastern 
side-wall, a small opening, or doorway, with a pointed 
heading, which, seemingly, gave access to the ditch. Above 
this ground-floor of the Tower there were, in keep-fashion, 
three or four stories, as shown by openings in the walls, to 
admit the ends of floor-joists ; but no trace of any per- 
manent staircase can be detected. Probably step-ladders, 
similar to those which are commonly used as the means of 
communication from deck to deck on board ship, here took 
the place of masonry staircases. 

Of the two above-mentioned archways of this gate-tower, 
the outermost is now filled up with masonry — the materials 
for the purpose having evidently been taken from other 
parts of the old buildings. This blocking up was, doubtless, 
done at some time when, the Castle having become useless 
as a fortification, and more or less ruinous, the more con- 
venient modern entrance roadway was made by filling up 
the ditch, and cutting through the Castle wall on one side 

p. 179), observes in a letter addressed by him to King Edward III. (Beg. 
vol. L fol. 286) : 

"Si len regarde Men les cronicles, len trouvera que le Roy Adelstou fist 
enclore la Vyile D'Excestre et fist le chastel." 

One of the chronicles referred to is probably that of William of Malmes- 
bnry (cite. 1142), a passage of which (quoted by Freeman in his History 
of ExtUr, p. 25, note) runs thus : 

"Urbem illam quam contaminate gentis repurgio defecaverat, turribus 
munivit, muro ex quadratis lapidibus cinxit." 

It may well be that in this case tradition is to be trusted. Athelstan's 
work must have been completed less than 150 years before the Conquest ; 
and it must have been Anglo-Saxon in character, because, although Athelstan 
was closely connected by marriage both with France and the Empire, the 
Danish settlement of Normandy was only just then assuming permanent 
shape, and could hardly have developed a style of architecture. Now, the 
pair of triangular-headed windows, the long-and-short work at the corners, 
and the absence of masonry stairs in the existing building, certainly point 
to an Anglo-Saxon origin, even if the equally unmistakable Norman arch- 
ways ana flat side buttresses suggest a period of transition, or of subsequent 

At any rate, it would seem that this old record in stone, left us by our 
ancestors, has not yet received all the attention it deserves ; and is likely to 
repay further consideration. 

I. 2 


of the Tower, in substitution for the old road over the draw- 
bridge and through the Tower itself. 

The accompanying drawings show the plan of the Tower 
in horizontal and vertical section ; and the larger photograph 
gives the outside view of the Tower from Castle Street. Mr. 
Harbottle, describing the details of its two archways, writes : 

" The outer one is a massive Norman archway of two orders ; 
the inner order is carried on an attached shaft, with moulded base 
and cap. The moulding of the cap is carried across the front face 
of the impost, which carries the other arch. 

" The archway itself is filled in with rubble masonry, in which 
there are two lancet windows. 

" On the archway there are two openings with Norman-moulded 
imposts, on which stand two triangular arches. 

" The entrance to the Tower from the Castle-yard is through a 
Norman archway, similar in detail to that just described." 

The foregoing constitutes the first item of reparation to 
which this paper relates. The other was a much slighter 
affair, though hardly less interesting in its disclosures. 

In preparing the foundations for an extension of the 
County buildings, which stand within the Castle quadrangle, 
adjacent to its northern side, and in making certain incidental 
alterations of the ground, it became necessary to remove a 
considerable amount of soil lying banked against the foot 
of the northern wall, and to clear the wall of some vegetation. 
Mr. Harbottle states the resulting appearances as follows : 

"The old wall on the north side of the Castle-yard is cased 
with comparatively modern stone rubble, and in stripping off the 
ivy, and removing some of the loose stones, it was found that 
behind the rubble work was the original wall, constructed of 
herring-bone stone-work of the hardest and soundest description, 
very differently built from the walls in the southerly side of the 
yard, portions of which fell a few year* ago. 2 

" On the inside of the northerly wall there are the remains of 
the foundation of what appears to have been a round tower. It 
measures about fifteen feet in diameter. Photographs have been 
taken of it." 

In another memorandum, with a plan attached, Mr. 
Harbottle gives the following further details : 

"The foundations of what appears to have been a round tower, 
are built on an artificial deposit of earth and rubble-stone. They 
are about the same depth as the Castle wall, and are of common 
rubble masonry. There are two holes in the wall near the bottom, 
which appear to' have been used as a support for a cross beam. The 

• In 1891. 



inner face of the wall is fair stone-work, but the outer face appears 
to have been built against the earth, as the ends of the stone are 
irregular. There is no indication of paving inside, nor any 
openings in the walls, except the holes for bearings. The founda- 
tion walls were covered over with earth ; and a modern (or rather 
indications of a modern) arch was, no doubt, built over them ; as, 
I believe, a cottage stood on the site, where these foundation walls 
were discovered." 

These last-mentioned circular foundations have been left 
exposed, but are protected by an iron railing. Norden's 
plan of the Castle, purporting to have been made in 1617, 
shows such a round tower, as this might have been, nearly 
at the middle point of the southern wall on its outside, 
but does not indicate anything of the kind, either inside or 
outside, throughout the length of the northern wall. Nor 
do either of the other maps referred to in the paper of 1891. 
And it is not easy to see what purpose a tower so placed 
within the wall could answer. 

The strong contrast which Mr. Harbottle draws between 
the solidity and character of the northern wall, and the 
conspicuous weakness of structure in the southern, seems 
to gain significance, when it is remembered that the northern 
and eastern walls of the Castle are essentially portions of 
the old City walls, while the southern and western are 
defences thrown up inside in such manner as to practically 
convert the highest angle of the City into a square redoubt. 


(Read at Okehampton, July, 1805.) 

We learn from Domesday (Association Edition, p. 382) that 
Bratona or Bratone belonged to Baldwin the Sheriff. 
Brictric held it before him. It contained 15 plough lands, 
and there were in it two thanes holding half a virgate of 
land freely. 

Reference is made to a successor of one of these thanes 
in the Hundred Roll for Lifton. 

Another Bratona or Brotone (now Bratton Fleming, p. 333) 
belonged to Earl Robert. Ordulf held it before him, and 
Erchenbold of the Earl. 

The Manor of Botintone (p. 107) belonged to Bishop 
Osbern, and he had common pasture at Bratone. Mr. 
Worth thinks this manor of Botintone is Benton in Bratton 
Fleming. It was an appendage of Braunton and afterwards 
of Hauston (Lysons). 

The hundred men (p. 457) declared that the manor of 
Blackewille belonged to the above manor of Bractone. This 
is Blakewell, Marwood. 

There is also a Bratton or Bractone in Minehead, where 
(Kirby's Quest for Somerset) Robert de Bractone held one fee 
of John de Mohun, and he of the king ; and it is remarkable 
that John de Mohun held also fees in Bratton Claville, as 
will be referred to below. Pole (p. 27) tells us that lands in 
Devon were held of the honor of Dunden and Dunster in 

It is highly probable that Sir Hen. de Bracton sprang from 
Bratton Clovelly, for, in addition to the name, the Church is 
dedicated to St. Mary, and St. Mary's Altar or Bratton's 
Altar is found in Exeter Cathedral; but I am inclined to 


think that there were two of the name, and that the great 
Lawyer was not the same as the Chancellor of the 

We can find no further mention of the Manor of Bratton 
till we come to Sir Hamlyn D'Eudon, and we pause to see 
what changes occur in respect of his name. Sir William 
Pole (p. 275) calls him Sir Hamlyn de Deandon, but p. 49 
we read "Baldwin Mallet of Deandon Knight, by Mabil 
daughter and heire of Hamelin Deadon," and p. 46 "Hamelin 
Deaudon of Deaudon KV He was one of the Knights 
of the 1240 Survey of the Moor. Lysons always write 
u Deaudon of Deaudon," and say, p. 537, " Deaudon in the 
parish of Withecombe in the Moors passed to the Malets." 
In 1748 Bawlin Mallock, Esq., purchased the royalty of 
Dutton (no doubt corrupted from Deudon) Malet, and 
Dunston in this parish. He tells us that Eoger Mallock 
bought Cockington in 1654, so that Dutton can hardly be an 
appendage of Cockington. In Somerset fines (36 Hen. III., 
p. 153) he is called Hamelin de Doudon ; but in Testa Nevill 
(p. 110) Hamel Dy-an-dune. 

Sir Baldwin Mallet and Letitia his wife granted (14 Bich. 
II.) lands in Deandon ; but (9 Hen. IV.) we have in a deed 
(Lansdown MSS. Brit. Museum, No. 255), " Know ye that I 
have confirmed the Mannors of Enemer and Dutton to Sir 
Baldwine Mallett and Amisia his wife." 

Bisdon calls him Deandon. 

W m de Deandon = 


Sir Hamlyn de Deandon=Lucelina 


Joan = Sir Roger 
(ob. 1280) Mabil -Sir Baldwyn Malet 

of Enemer (near Taunton). 

I I 

Sir J no Malet W m Malet= 

Lucy Malet =■ 1 st Simon de Meriet = 2^* Tho s de Tymmeworth 

(ob. circa 1325) I of Hestercombe 

ob. 1296. 

I I I 

Walter Meriet Richard Hawisia-=J no de Berkeley 

s.p. 1313 ob. 1317. 

(Pole, p. 275 ; and Somerset Archl. Records, vol. xxviii. p 178. 
Widecombe in the Moor.) 


In Inq. post m. we read : 

35 Ed. III. 122. "Henry Duke of Lancaster held Deandon 
— Devon. 

16 Ed. I. 18. " Joh'es Malet Deandon man r ex*. 

19 Ed. II., p. 331. " W m s. W m Martyne, Dendon, \ fee, 
which therefore was most likely held of the Barony of 

42 Ed. III. 40. " J no f. J B0 Meriet consang. et heres Joh'es 
de Beauchamp de Somerset pro predicto Joh'e et Joh'a uxore 
ejus — Dendone maner* rem 1 eidem Joh'i — Somerset." 

Deandon seems to be a mistake for Deaudon, and the 
name to be D'eau-don, derived from the river Weddiburn. 
He had two daughters — Joan, married to Sir Roger Clavill, 
whence probably comes Bratton Clavill — I suppose owners' 
names were added to manors about this time, and it will be 
seen below that afterwards Bratton was called Bratton-francis 
for a like reason — and Mabil, married to Sir Baldwyn Malet 
Joan and Mabil, with their husbands, entered into a covenant 
(Lansdown MSS.) as to the lands which belonged to Hamelin 
Deaudon, their father; and, I take it, Hamelin Deaudon, 
Walter de Bathon, and Richard le Bret were trustees for 
Joan and Mabil. 

The name Eudon occurs in Rot Han. for the counties of 
Salop and Huntingdon — " Eudon, Auger de," p. 81 ; " Eudon, 
Kad.fil,"p. 677. 

Mabil (had ?) granted the manor of Bratton in her widow- 
hood (Inq. 9 Ed. I., 1280) to Thomas de Tynworth, Lucia, 
his wife, and Richard, their son. 

Pole tells us that Tho 8 de Tymmworth held the manor 
(ob. 1296), and that Lucie, his widow, who married 2 dl * Sir 
Simon de Meriet, held it. 30 Ed. I. (1301.) Walter de* 
Meriet, their son (Oct. of St. Martin, 5 Ed. II., 1311, Finalis 
Concordia, 53, Somerset) conveyed it to Simon le Sauvage, 
junr., in trust for (1) Lucy de Meriet for her life; (2) 
Hawisia, her daughter; 1 and Hawisia dying without issue, 
the manor fell again to Walter de Meriet. He was Chancellor 
of Exeter in 1322, and afterwards Prebendary of Wells. (See 
18 Ed. III., Finalis Concordia, 177.) 

He died {Inq. p. m. 7 June 19, Ed. III., 55) having no 
lands in Devon, but possessed of Widecombe, EUworthy, 

1 Hawisia de Berkly held the manor 8 Ed. II. ; her husband died in 1317. 
— Pole. 

J no dc Berkeley held the manor of Bratton cum Borsleigh (Hund. of 
Lifton). {Somerset Arch. Records, 1316.) 

14 Ed. II., 24— J no de Berkeleye of Erlyngham.— Somerset. 


and Plash in Somerset, so he must have parted with Bratton. 
Pole tells us that 19 Ed. III., 1345 (t.e. at the death of 
Simon de Meriet), Tho 8 de Somerton held Bratton, Bratton 
St. Mary (no doubt the advowson), Combe, and Gondescott. 
Also Tho 8 his son, and Rob* de Somerton after him. 

The manor rolls show a change of owner to a lady in 1408, 
and refer to court expenses of B d Mille and others. And 
again to another lady in 1416. 

The rolls for 1437 refer to court expenses of Henry 
Fraunceys, and show change of owner to another lady. 
From Inq. p. m. 35 Hen. VI., 12, 1456, we find that Henry 
Franceis owned the manor "ut de feodo de Tho 8 Comite 

The Inq. 21 Ed. IV., 20, on the death of his son Nicholas, 
shows that then Bratton was alienated. 

Westcote, p. 46 : " Franceis of Combe Flory ; and Franceis 
Court in the parish of Broad Clyst. 

W m Franceis = Alice d. & h. of Nicholas de Ilele and Alice 

his wife d. & h. of Flory. 

Hen? Francis = 
ob. 1456 


b. 1435. 

ob. 1480. 

" 7 Ed. IV., 49, 1466 : Robert Kyrkham was seized of the 
manors of Trusselton, Manaton, and Bratton/' 

I take it this refers to Bratton Clovelly; all the more 
probable from its being near to Trusselton. And the name 
Eobert Kirkham occurs often in the Manor Bolls, in 1416, 
1432, and 1437. 

In 1566 comes a deed, in my possession, of the division of 
the manor of Bratton Clovelly between Richard Langford 
and Richard Pengelly. In it reference is made to leases 
granted by John Pengelly, his father, or by William Francis, 

I append the parts assigned to each by arbitration : 


To R d Langf d Meyndey Christ* Drewe. 

Myltowne W m Ellacott. 

1 Bratton towne ten 1 R d Langford. 

SmythehowBe,andNorishe'spece Tho 8 Marshall. 

Griest Myll R d Langford. 
Volysdon Woode (p l ) 
Birche Wood (p*) 


To R d PeDgelly Caylhowse J no Gascoyn. 

Volly8don J no Pengelly. 

Voliadon Wood (p l ) 

1 Bratton town ten 1 R d Pengelly. 

1 „ „ Tho- White. 

Shereston Moore Ch n Drewe. 

(Chester Moor now) 

Melihebery Mede Ch n Drewe. 

(Mashworthy, or Maahery Mead now) 

J no Toll. 

Birche Wood (p*) 

On 25th April, 35 Elizabeth, 1593, another deed, in which 
Richard Pengelly, son and heir of Richard Pengelly, late of 
Bratton towne, releases his right in a fourth part of the 
manor of Bratton Clovelly, alias Bratton-fraunceis, to 
William Langyfford, which Richard LangifTord, father of 
William, had recently purchased of John Pengelly de 

Another deed is dated 20th Nov., 12 Jas. I., 1614, in 
which Richard Pengelly, of Bratton Clovelly, sells for £340 
to Moyses Laugefford his part of the manor of Bratton 
Clavelly, otherwyse Bratton Frauncis, and which included 
Brattontown, Voulsdon, Calehouse, Sherestone Moore, and 
Melihebery Meadow. 

In 1690 there is a Finalis Concordia between Walter 
Langforde de Petertavy and Thomas Hierne, quer 8 ; William 
Langforde and Elizabeth his wife, deforc 8 ; in regard to 
Swaddledown, Bratton Mille, Culme Pitte, Bratton Church 
Towne, and Voulsdon. 

1684, Manor Rolls: "W m Langford and Tho 8 Corindon 
lords of the manor." 

(Tuckctt R d Langesford^ Margery <1. Hillsworthy. 
p. 8) of Bratton 

W m Langesford=Thomazine d. Hen* Bidlake. 

i i 

Moses Langesford Dorothy = Tho 5 Corindon, 

born 1576=Marg* d. 1662, of Braton. 

(of Swaddledowne) 
in 1646 

R d faverner. 
(S* Teath) 

„ I I I I I I 

Tavcrner Hen* Tho s Grace Sibell John. 

b. 1609 b. 1610 

(of S« Tfcth) 

in 1646. 


The Manor of Godescote (Dev. Dames, p. 391) was appended 
to Bratton, as the Manor Rolls clearly show. It included Yeo, 
Estelake, Combe, Nywelhani, Stoddon, Dountone, Yeoldone, 
Trendelbeare, Beggestone, which are in that part of Bratton 
cut off by Thrushelton, and the tenants appear to have been 
all freeholders. Bristric held it, then Baldwin, and Goluin 
of him. 

1 Hen. VI. 63. " Hugh Courtenay, who died temp. Hen. 
IV., held Wyke Langforde in baron* de Combe, et Godescote." 

Wyke Langforde is the same as German's Week, and 
probably " in baron' " should be written ' cum barton.' " 

We must be careful not to confuse it with "Godescot" 
(9 Bich. II. 55) in the parish of Huntshaw, which is called 
Godwnescoth in Testa Nevill, p. 177. They were both written 
later on " Guscott." Bishop Stafford's Register tells us there 
was a chapel of St. Margaret at Godescote, now Guscot by 

7 Ed. I. " J no de Mohun held fees in Braicton Clavill." 

14 Ed. I. 33. "He held Bracton, Northcumb (Southcumb 
in Germansweek)." 

20 Ed. I. 38. " Hugh de Curtenay (no doubt in chief) 
held Bracton lacerat'." 

4 Ed. III. 35. "J no de Mohun held a fee in Bratton 

Bosleia or Boslie (Dev. Domes., p. 382) was another manor 
in the parish held also by Brictric and Baldwin. Eoffus held 
this of Baldwin. 

15 Ed. I. 10. " W m Talbot (who held also Sourton and 
Thrusselton), Boreslegh ex 1 ." 

8 Ed. II. 56. " Patricius de Cadurcis, Boresle, 1 fee." 
So also 8 Ed. II. 

36 Ed. III. 37. " Matilda, wife of W m Duke of Bavaria, 
one of the daughters and heir of Henry Duke of Lancaster, 
held Boreleghe." 

Placita coram rege, 1316. " J D0 de Berkeley held Bratton 
cum Boraleigh." 

Bishop Stafford tells us there was a chapel of St. James at 

17 Hen. VI. 51. " Alianora Talbot. Boreslegh man r ex 1 ut 
de cast. Okhamp." 

There is a licence from Ed. III. 9 (Patent Bolls) to Prior of 
Plympton to grant to John de Grandisson, Bishop of Exeter, 
the Advowson of Bratton. Three years later we fiud a licence 
to the Bishop of Exeter to grant it to the Dean and Chapter. 
In 1351, a licence of mortmain to the Bishop to grant to 




census 10 d 

finis 12 d 

mie 2 8 7 d 

mie 5 d 



the College of St. Mary Ottery the advowsons of Bratton, 
Bridestowe, and Plympton. 

I now write out a copy of the Manor Bolls for Bratton, 

for Richard II. : 

[Thurs._l Oct. 1377.] 

Curia legalis tenta ibidem die Iovis proxima post festum 
Sancti Michaelis anno Regni Regis Ricardi, primo. 

Census extenditur hoc anno, ut patet 

Decennarius ibidem presentat quasdam defaltas Nicholai 
Kerham qui sectam debet ad hunc diem, ideo ipse in 
misericordia, postea fecit finem. 

Item presentat quod Willelmus ** Lobet, Baldewinus *** 
Clerke, Ricardus 12d Valeys, et Willelmus 12d Lobet, 
communi tappa vendiderunt cervisiam contra assisam, 
ideo ipei in misericordia, Item predicti Willelmus ** 
Baldewinus ld et Ricardus 2d vendiderunt cerviaiam 
per falsam mensuram, ideo ipsi in misericordia. 

Item presentat quod 2 pullani provenerunt ut catalla 
Wayfiata precii 12 d et remanent in custodia propositi. 

Item eligunt ad officium prepositure, et Willelmum 
Lobet Decennarium, qui juravit et remanet Item 
Henricum Yysake ad officium propositi hoc anno 
desinendos domino. Item Willelmus Chaddere qui 
remanet et juravit. 

Decennarius presentat quod Blytha atte yeo levavit 
hutesium juste super Reginaldum 7d Hethman ideo 
ipse in misericordia ex officio. Et predictus Reginaldus 
in misericordia pro transgressione facta Blythe Yeo 
et distringatur. 

Item presentat quod predictus Reginaldus percussit 

in misericordia quia non fecit execucionem 

Blytham atte Yeo cum 1 baculo contra pacem ideo 
ipse in misericordia ex officio ad dampnum suum 3 s 
unde execucio. 

Item presentat quod Johannes Cole levavit hutesium 
injuste super Willelmum Bokeput ideo ipse in 
misericordia ex officio. 

Et predictus Johannes Cole in misericordia quia non 
prosequitur versus eundum Willelmum in placito 

Item Johanna Payn cepit de domino unum cotagium 
ad voluntatem, illam cotagium quam (etc. M.S.) 
Ricardus Valeys pretermit per redditus et servicia 
inde debita et consueta. Et fecit domino fidelitatem 
et dat de recognicione ut patet. 

mie9 d 

mia 6 d 
ex c 

quia non 

2 d 

• Manors in bratton clovelly. 151 

mia 6 d Henricus Fenemur in misericordia quia prostravit 

boscum domini apud Foelesdone sine licencia ideo 
ipse in misericordia. 

mia 3 d Eicardus Taylour in misericordia pro transgressione 

facta Thome Estelake in avenis cam averiis suis, 
et distringatur pro emenda. 

mia pro def C . . . 
att Idem Eicardus queritur de Willelmo Bortone de placito 

debiti. Summonitus non venit, ideo attachietur. 

tnie 18 d Eobertus ** Colyn, Willelmus w Uppecote, Eicardus ** 

Grymyscote, Johannes ** Symftne, in misericordia 
quia ceperunt excessum salarii contra formam statuti. 

mia 2 d Johannes Fochedone in misericordia quia non levavit 

13" 4 d ad opus Alicie Hethman unde execucio. 

mia 6 d Eogerus Bredde in misericordia eo quod cepit unum 

vitulum Johannis Skedemur contra voluntatem et 

Inq Eicardus Taylour ponit se inquisicioni versus Thomam 

Estelake quod non inparcavit averia sua ad dampnum 
suum 10" per plegium Eoberti Payn et Galfridi Payn. 

mia 2 d Idem Thomas in misericordia pro transgressione facta 

Eicardo Taylour in avenis cum averiis et distringatur. 

mia 6 d Idem Eicardus in misericordia pro falsa querela versus 

eundem Thomam in placito transgressionis. 

in mia . . . lex quod injuste copit jumentum 
rem Thomas Pacchecote esaonium querit de Eicardo Grymys- 

suum nee ei vetitum per plegium Willelmi Bouedone 
cote de placito transgressionis et remanet. 
mia quia non prosequitur 
rem Johannes Bate querit de Roberto Cole essonium de 

placito transgressionis et remanet. 

mia pro licencia 
rem Galfridus Bremdone querit de Willelmo Lobet essonium 

de placito debiti et remanet. 

mia 3 d Eobertus Colyn in misericordia pro transgressione facta 

Eicardo Beamund, eo quod etc. 

mie 2" 2 d Ballivus presentat quod Walterus M Mansypdyche, 

Walterus ** Eysdone. Walterus M Ayre, et Galfridus 
** Payn fecerunt transgressionem cum averiis in 
pastura domini super Schoerysdone. 

Inq Eobertus Blakegrove et Blythe uxor ejus executores 

mia quia non prosequitur 
testamenti Willelmi Colyn versus Eobertum Payn et 
Sarram uxorem suam, quod non detinuerunt eis unam 
vaccam et 2 oves matrices nee etc. ad dampnum 
suum 20 s per plegium Johannis Skedemur et Henrici 


prepoRitus in mia quia non fecit execu 
mia 3 d Johannes Whetter in misericordia pro detencione 12 s 8 d 
ex versus Blytham atte Teo unde execucio. 

mie 4 d Galfridus 2d Payn et Willelmus 2d Bouedone in miseri- 
dis cordia quia non starent nee contribuerent com 

decennario et tota decenna de Brattorie ut compertum 
est per totum homagium et distringantur. 

mie 2 d Duodecim jurat i dicunt quod via regia apud Hedysdone 
dis forde est lutoea et profunda ad nocumentum patrie 

quam decennarius de Brattone tenetur emendendam 
ideo ipsi in misericordia et distringantur. 

3 s 4 d 12 jurati dicunt quod Henricus Fenemur nuper pro- 

positus cepit de tenura apud Fochedone ultra redditus 
Domini 3 s 4 d unde oneretur. Item de tenura quon- 
dam fuit Johannis de Brattone vocata Trylleland 
ultra redditus Domini 2 s 10 d pro locacione 3 acrarum 

inq. Robertas Blagrove et Blythe uxor ejus executores testa- 

menti Willelmi Colyn ponunt eos. (sic.) Inquisicioni 
versus Robertum Colyn quod non detinuerunt 2 
boves precii 40 8 ex dono matris sue ad dampnum 
20 8 per plegium Henrici Yysak et Johannis Skedemur. 
Item quod non detinuerunt 1 vaccam precii 10 8 ad 
dampnum 40 d per plegium ut supra. 

att Ricardus Grymyscote queritur de Henrico Cole qui 4 

defaltas fecit de placito transgressionis. Et attachiatus 
est per 1 jumentum Ideo melius distringatur. 

mia l d Johannes Sy mound in misericordia pro defalta con- 


condonacio Reginaldus Bredde dat domino de fine eo quod appro- 

priavit unum vitulum Johannis Skedemur contra 
pacem et contra voluntatem ejus ut compertum est 
per inquisicionem. 

Summa, 23 8 4 d 
Expense senescalli, 13 d . 

[1 Dec. 1377.] 

Brattone Curia ibidem tenta die Martis in crastino Sancti Andree 

anno regni Eegis Ricardi, primo. 

mia 4 d Propositus in misericordia quia non fecit execucionem 

de 3 8 ad opus Blythe atte Yeo de Rogero Ethman et 

mia quia non prosequitur 
rem Loquela remanet inter Thomam Estelake querentem, 

et Ricardum Taylour ob defecto jurati quia non 


imparcavit averia sua interius ad dampnum suum 
10 s per plegium Roberti Payn et Galfridi Payn, etc. 

mia 3 d Johannes Bate in misericordia quia non prosequitur 

versus Robertum Cole in placito transgressionis. 

mia 3 d Willelmus Lobet in misericordia pro licencia concordandi 

cum Galfrido Bremedone in placito debiti. 

mia 3 d Propositus in misericordia quia non fecit execucionem 

de 12 8 8 d de Johanne Whetter ad opus Blythe atte 
Yeo, et distringatur. 

mia 4 d Robertus Payn et Sarra uxor ejus in misericordia quia 

non prosequuntur versus Robertum Bremegrove et 
Blytbam uxorem ejus, executores testamenti Willelmi 
Colyn in placito detencionis 2 ovium matricum. 

mia 3 d Ricardus Grymescote in misericordia pro defalta versus 

Thomam Pacchecote in placito transgressionis. 
mia quia licenciara fregit 
lex Ricardus Grymescote est ad legem versus Thomam 

? quando 
Paccheshull quia injuste cepit unum jumentum ideo 
ei vetuit per plegium Willelmi Bouedone et propositi. 

mia 6 d Reginaldus Bredde in misericordia quia non venit ad 

Inquisicionem quum exactus fuerit. 

mia 2 d Decennarius et tota decenna in misericordia quia non 

emendaverunt viam regiam apud Hethdone forde que 
est lutosa et profunda, et distringantur. 

mia 3 d Willelmus Boertene in misericordia pro defalta versus 

Ricardum Taylour in placito debiti. 

rem Dies datus est Ricardo Taylour querenti et Willelmo 

mia pro licencia 

Boertone de placito debiti, et remanet per preces 

Esson Robertus Blakegrove et Blytha uxor ejus executores 

testamenti Willelmi Cole versus Robertum Colyn de 
placito detencionis 2 bourn precii 40° unde Inquisicio. 
Et remanet dicta Inquisicio per essonium dictorum 
Roberti et Blythe ad nunc diem. 

att Ricardus Grymyscote queritur de Henrico Cole qui 

4 fecit defaltas in placito transgressionis et attachiatur 
per unum jumentum, et non venit, ideo melius 
attachietur contra proximam. 

7 d Johannes Fochedone nuper propositus in misericordia 

mia dis quia non levavit 13 s 4 d ad opus Alicie Hethman de 

bonis et catallis Willelmi Bortone et distringatur. 

rem Dies datus est Ricardo Payard querenti et Blythe atte 

Yeo de placito convencionis, et remanet 
VOL. xxvn. M 


lex Willelmus Bouedone est ad legem versus Walteram 

Langeford querentem, quod non levavit 20 8 de bonis 
et catallis Alicie Cadie, sine warencia per quod 
predictus Walterus ... ad dampnum suum 10 s , per 
plegium Galfridi Payn et Johannis Skedemur. 

non prosequitur 
lex Robertas Valays est ad legem versus Ricardum Valays 

quod nullos conventus ei fregit per ipsum factos de 
ultima audiencia curie, nee attachiatur, per plegium 
Roberti Payn et Henrici Vysake. 

attachiatur per plegium 
attachi- Galfridus Payn queritur de Rogero Langeworthy, non 
amentum Willelmi Chaddere et propositi 

attachiato de placito transgressionis, ideo attachietur. 

mia 10 d Ballivus presentat quod Galfridus ** Payn, Walterus 

id Rysdone, Walterus 2d Manchypysdiche fecerunt 
transgressionem in pastura domini, ideo ipsi in 
misericordia, et distringantur. 

finis 18 d Galfridus Payn dat domino de fine pro pastura in 

Schurstone usque ad festum Sancti Michaelis ut 

P** 6 *- Summa, 4* 10 d . 

Expense senescalli, ll d . 

[Thurs. 6 May, 1378.] (C) 

Brattone Curia legalis tenta ibidem die Jovis in festo Sancti 

Johannis ante Portam Latinam anno Regni Regis 

Ricardi — primo. 

prep 5 in mia quia non distrinxit 

Godiscote Decennarius ibidem presentat quod Johannes Adecote 

dis ingressus est in foedum domini apud Yeo, ut in foedo 

suo. Ideo distringatur ad proximam ad ostendendum 

quare, etc. Willelmus Bykelake pro eodem, 

mia 2 8 Item presentat [quod] Ricardus M Payard 1, Rogerus 

M Hethman 1, Willelmus M Bykelake 1, tappa et 
brasiaverunt et fregerunt assisam cervisie, ideo ipsi 
in misericordia. Et predicti Ricardus, 2d Rogerus, 2d 
et Willelmus 2d vendiderunt cervisiam per falsam 
mensuram et per discos ciphis in singulis, ideo ipsi in 

extraura Propositus presentat quod unus bolloc . . . precii 3" 
finis 6 d provenit de extraura die lune proxima ante festum 

Sancti Martini Episcopi et remanet in custodia pro- 
positi. Et Johannes Parkere venit in placitum curie 
et probavit predictum bolloc esse suum proprium. 
Et dat de fine et Warancia ut patet. 

mia 2 d Thomas Estelake in misericordia quia non prosequitur 

versus Ricardum Taylour in placito transgressionis. 


Brattone Decennarius ibidem presentat quod Johannes Skedemur 
mia4 9 10 d 2d 1, Walterus «* Roberd 2, Thomas. M Cloue 1, 

Willelmus ** Uppecote 1, Johannes M Veyse 1, 
Johanna ** Roue 1, Johannes M Aylecote 1, Henricus 
6(1 Vysak 1, Johannes ^ Miller 1, Thomas M Lange- 
worthy 1, Robertas 6d Colyn 1, brasiaverunt cervisiam 
et vendiderunt contra assisam, ideo ipsi in miseri- 

mia 18d Item presentat quod Willelmus 12d Lobet, Ricardus M 

Valays communi tappa et vendiderunt cervisiam et 
fregerunt assisam, ideo ipsi in misericordia. Item 
presentat quod predictus Willelmus Lobet vetuit 
assisam cervisie Johanni Roberd et aliis, ideo non 
in misericordia. 

mia 6 d Item presentat [quod] Blytha Blakegrove levavit 
mia 4 d hutesium juste super Reginaldum Brede ideo ipse in 

misericordia ex officio. Et predictus in misericordia 
quia non prosequitur versus eundem in placito 

mia 4 d Item presentat quod Reginaldus Brede percussit pre- 

dictam Blytham cum 1 baculo contra pacem domini 
regis, ideo ipse in misericordia ex officio. 

mia 6 d Item presentat quod Rogerus percussit predictam 

Blytham ad effusionem sanguinis, ideo ipse in 
misericordia ex officio. 

mia 2 d Item presentat quod Ricardus Meletone percussit 
Robertum Blakegrove contra pacem ideo ipse in 
misericordia ex officio. 

mia 6 d Item presentat quod Ricardus Bolham percussit 

Willelmum Fenemur contra pacem domini regis 
ideo ipse in misericordia ex officio. 

mia 6 d Item presentat quod Willelmus 2d Bouedone, Galfridus 

dis 2d Payn, Henricus 2d Vysake se recusaverunt stare et 

contribuere cum Decennario et tota decenna de 

Brattone, ideo ipsi in misericordia. Et distringantur. 

Godiscote Decennarius ibidem presentat quod Ricardus Taylour 
mia 6 d levavit hutesium juste super Willelmum Bortone 

rem idio ipse in misericordia ex officio. Et partes pre- 

dicts habent diem ad proximam prece parcium et sic 

mia 3 d Ricardus Grymyscote in misericordia quia defecit de 

lege et transgressione facta Thome Pacchecote eo 
quod cepit jumentum suum, et distringatur pro 

mia 3 d Willelmus Bortone pro licencia concordandi cum 

Ricardo Taylour in placito debiti. 

m 2 


mia 2 d Eobertus Colyn in misericordia quia non prosequitur 

versus Robertum Blakegrove in placito debiti. 

Distr Adhuc distringere Blytham Yeo ad respondendum 

mia quia non prosequitur 
Eicardo Payard in placito convencionis etc. 

mia l d Walterus Langeford in misericordia quia non prose- 
quitur versus Willelmum Bouedone in placito 

mia l d Ricardus Yaleyse in misericordia quia non prosequitur 

versus Robertum Valeyse in placito convencionis per 

plegium Roberti Focbedone et — Falays. 

lex quod non 
mia Galfridus Payn queritur de Rogero Langewortby de 

cepit jumentum suum sine warancia precii ad dampnum 
dis 2 d placito transgressionis nee venit. Et attachiatur per 

plegium Willelmi Chaddere et propositi. Et quia 

ipsum non babent ideo ipsi in misericordia et 


mia 3 d Robertus Colyn in misericordia pro non prosequendo 

versus Jobannem Paccbecote eo quod cessavit dis- 
tringere ipsum per 3 dies et non, ideo distringatur 
pro amerciamento. 

Item presentat quod Ricardus Grymyscote, Walterus 
Uppecote operati sunt Alicie Medere. 

farl f 3 d Item presentat quod unum cotagium quod Johanna 

Payn tenuit in iuanus domini, unde accidit de 
farleif ut patet. 

mia l d Duodecim jurati presentant quod via regia apud Wykes- 
dis bill est profunda et lutosa ad nocumentum patrie. 

Et decennarius et tota decenna tenentur emendare. 
Et non, ideo ipsi in misericordia et distringantur. 

mia l d Item via regia apud Cbemyswortby est lutosa et pro 
dis funda ad nocumentum patrie quam decennarius et 

tota decenna tenentur emendare, et non, ideo ipsi in 

mia 4 d Ballivus presentat quod Walterus Rysdone fecit 

tran8gressionem cum averiis suis in pasture, apud 
Scherysdon ideo ipse in misericordia. 

mia 2 d Henricus Fysake in misericordia pro detencione 3 8 4 d 
ex° versus Jobannem Forsdone in placito debiti unde 


fin 6 d Tbomas Paccbesbill dat domino de fine ad unum 

jumentum arestatum manibus propositi ad sectam 
Ricardi Grymyscote. 

Summa, 15 8 . 
Expense 1 mensis sen esc alii, 16£ d . 





mia l d 



mia 4 d 



ia3 d 

mia 3 d 

mia 6 d 

mia2 d 
mia 2 d 

mia2 d 


[Thurs. 1 July, 1378.] (C) 

Curia tenta ibidem die Jovis proxima post festum 
Apostolorum Petri et Pauli anno regni regis Bicardi, 

att r per pleg" 1 W m Chaddere et Prepositi 
Johanna Bornebe versus Willelmum Monk queritur de 
placito tran8gres8ionis. 

ut supra 
Thomas Foys versus eundem queritur de eodem. 

Prepositus in misericordia quia non distrinxit Johannem 
Adecote et Willelmum Bykelake ad ostendendum 
qualiter ingressi sunt in foedum domini et dis- 

Willelmus ^ Bouedone et Thomas ld Benet attachiati 
sunt cum averiis suis in defensionem domini, ideo 
ipsi in misericordia. 

mia quia 

Willelmus Lobet est ad legem versus Bobertum Vakys 
non prosequitur 

quod non tenetur ei in 2 busellis et dimidio siliginis 
pro sua nee etc per plegium Henrici Yysak et Roberta 

Johannes Bate in misericordia quia non prosequitur 
Rob 1 
versus Johannem Cole de placito transgressionis. 

Prepositus in misericordia quia non distrinxit Willelmum 
Bouedone, Galfridum Payn et Henricum Vysake [ad] 
stare et contribuere cum decennario et tota decenna 
de Brattone, vel ad ostendendum quare non, vel 
dicere sciat quare non. Et distringatur. 

Bicardus Taillour in misericordia quia non prosequitur 
versus Willelmum Bortone de placito transgressionis 
contra pacem. 

Bicardus Payard in misericordia quia non prosequitur 
versus Blytham Yeo de placito convencionis. 

Bogerus Langeworthy in misericordia pro defalta versus 
mia quia non prosequitur 
Galfridum Payn de placito transgressionis. 

Bogerus Langeworthy est ad legem versus Galfridum 
Payn quod 1 jumentum suum sine Warancia non 
ceperat, ideo injuste positum in penfald, nee etc, ad 
dampnum et° per plegium Bicardi Falays. 

Preceptum est distringere decennarium et totam 
decennam de Brattone ad reparandum viam regiam 
lutosam apud Wykyshille et viam lutosam apud 
Chemyse worthy. Et distringantur. 


mia l d Prepo8itus in misericordia quia non fecit execucionem 

debito modo versus Johannem Forsdone de 3 s 4 d ad 
opus Henrici Fyshlake. Et fiat execucio. 

farleif 6 d Homagium presentat quod Cristina Vowedone et Sana 
cotag rem Gyffard reddiderunt in manus domini 2 cotagia 

unde accidit domino de eorum farleis, ut patet in 

eorum carta. 

Summa istius curie, 2» 4 d . 

Item expense senescalli, 8 d . 

Summa 4 curiarum, 42 8 2 d . 

unde de censu, 10 d . 

The next roll I have is for 10 Hen. IV., 1408-9. Assaults 
are frequent, and the tithing fined for not producing weapons ; 
also rescue of cattle, and neglect of entering for census. 
After a year stray cattle were adjudged to the lady of the 
Manor. The tithing of Bratton was fined for not repairing 
the king's highway near "Hiddestone brygge," and was 
required to produce all measures of beer, etc., under penalty 
of 20 8 . Rob 1 Reva was chosen reeve, and J no Benete 
tithingman for Brattone, who presented that Rob 1 Eeva, J no 
Bussope, jr ., Step. Colyn, Rob 1 Roberte, and R d Charde had 
worked out of the manor and county, and had to answer to 
the manor and the king as having done " contra statutum 
domini Regis " ; this offence occurs repeatedly. 

Rob 1 Reva had assaulted J no Boghechurch with a "suga." 1 
The homage were to repair the "Poundfalde of the lord, and 
this often occurs. The tenants paid "de recognicione," in all 
20 s and 14 capons, to the new lady of the manor. R d Mille 
seems to have been her representative. There was a difficulty 
over a felon's goods because the tithing had not made a 
" scrutineum," and were required to do so by next Court 
under a penalty of 40s. John, Pryor de Frythelstoke, held 
Nywelham in Godescote, but the tithingman knew not by 
what service. The twelve jurors present Geoffry Tdly as 
" communis perturbator et disturbator pacis domini Regis " ; 
the tithing had concealed this. Toly had prohibited W m 
Bourtone from making the scrutiny. The proceeds of six 
courts for the year were £4 5s. 3d. Stitched to the roll 
are "nomina censorum anno 21 mo " — 38 names with their 
pledges. Also — " Nomina tenendum ibidem 19°." Heirs of 
Nich 8 Kyrkham, W m Bortone, Hen. Vysake, Tho 8 Estelake, 
freeholders. Also R d Charde, J no Bate, Walt. Roberte, Rob 1 

1 This is an unusual word, and is explained as a blood letter, probably a 


Aleyn, Tho 8 Benete, J no Fowedone, Bob 1 Roberta, Rob* 
Fowedone, Rob* Colyn, W m Pasmere, Rog r Vowedone, R d 
Cranbury, J no Pithercote, Tho 8 Sybily. Next, list of the 
jury, and "panella pro rege." In another, list of rents 
amounting to £6 Is. 9d. 

In the roll for 1416 R d Woberhall had drawn a "daggarium" 
over Rob* Stone, which had been given up to the steward, 
who, out of respect to J no Wyse, had handed it back ; blood 
had been drawn. The tenants of the homagium pay "de 
recognicione," 20 s . Bratton freeholders — heirs of Langeforde: 
Roger Waye, Rob* Kirkham, J no Uppecote, W m Charde, 
Tho 8 Skidemore, W m Bortone, R d Estelake. 


J no Skydemore & Mat. Beamounde . heirs of Langeforde 
Hen. Stoddone, Rob* Cranbury, and 

J no Charde . „ W m Bourtone 

Step. Vowedone, J no Charde, Hen. 

Clerke, and Tho" Skydemore . „ Rog. Waye 
Tho 8 Ranisre, J no Pachecote, J no 

Morystone, J no Wandre, W m Body „ Rob* Kirkham 

In 1422 R d Estelake was chosen tithingman. W m 
Hankeforde "dat domine de fine (12 d ) pro secta sua 
relaxanda usque ad festum Michaelis." 


" Via regia apvd It fosse in parte boreali de Brattone est 
lutosa et profunda ad nocumentum patrie, quam Decennarius 
et tota decenna de Brattone emendare tenentur." "Vocata 
le fosse " in the other courts. This road which passes along 
under Bradbury Castle, pointing towards Holsworthy, seems 
to be the continuation of one from Chagford over Okehampton 
Park, possibly the great Roman road. 

Prepositus fined " quia non distrinxit Robertum Maynard 
ad reparandum viam Regiam apud Dountone." 

And "Willelmum Bourtone ad disobstringendum viam 
communem inter more et Brattone/" 

Tithing of Brattone fined "quia non reparaverunt viam 
Regiam inter Regestone et Westbornebury." 

M., J., and J. Frankicheyny to do homage for tenements 
in Fowedone; W m Hankeforde, clericus ... in Combe, Prior of 
Plymptone, Prior of Frydelstoke ; and Rob* Dounynge ... in 

Proceeds of 9 courts, 44 8 4 d . 

Item de finibus terre, 12 s . 

Fines for defalts of W m Hankeforde, Priors of Plymptone 
and Fridelstoke ; of Martin Lerchedekene (who seems to be 


the same as M. Frankicheyny) ; of Steph. Fowedone, and 
of J no Charde— "respecta, quia non possunt levari" After- 
wards "oneretur de amerciamentis Willelmi Hankeforde et 
Martini Lerchedekene, quia non debent perdonari." Bp. 
Bronescombe, p. 476, tells us that the Prior of Plympton held 

In 1437 Rob* Maynarde, who held of the lord in Godescote 
a parcel of land at Dountone, Yeoldone, and Trendelbeare, 
by military service, had died. J no was his son and heir. 

jno Maynarde, Tho 8 Stoddone, and J no Schillestone to do 
fealty for holdings in Godescote; and tenants of Roger Waye 
"virtute perquisicionis inde post statutum." This phrase 
often comes, and means, I suppose, by virtue of purchase, 
after a year ; just as ' non tenentes ' were to be brought into 
the census after a year. 

Rob 1 Hokkeday and J no Toly had cut down an oak in the 
lord's wood, "ceperant et asportaverant mel et locustas." 
Gloucestershire folk say they grow a kind of pulse called 
locusts, and we think of J no the Baptist. In Wicklifs 
Translation of the New Testament (a.d. 1380) we read " he 
ete hony soukis, and wilde hony." In Anglo-Saxon u hunig 
suce " is the plant lovage, a herb of the genus ligusticum, 
sometimes cultivated as a pot herb. 

1437. J no Wyse, who held J knight's fee in Brokescombe, 
had died. Tho 8 his son, of full age, to do fealty. 

" Ad hanc curiam veniunt J no Vysake, S r ., J no Vysake, J r ., 
W m Charde, Alice Valeys, J no Aleyn, Rob* Smythe, Rob* 
Wynboghe, Tho 8 Hokeday, Rob* Cranbury, J r ., J no Boughe- 
churche, J no Benet, et dant domine de recognicione, et 
fecerunt domine fidelitatem," 26 capons. 

Rob* Kyrkham, J no Schylstone, and R d Estelake to do 

" Expense Henrici Fraunceys et senescalli, 40 d ." 

Mat. Rysdone came and took one parcel of land called 

Account of Roger Corndone, bailiff for 1 year (8 Hen. VII.) 
from Mich 8 1492. 

Rents of assise . . . £6 15" 9 d 

9 8 l d from 7 courts, 8 d from censure 

rent, 5 8 8 d from estrays . . . £7 ll 8 l d 

Expenses— Tho 8 Corndone, life annuity 20 8 ; Bailiff 4 8 10 d ; 
J no Walshe and Roger Corndone at Okehampton, at the audit, 
&c, 12 d ; Parchment and writing the rolls 12 d ; To the bailiff 
of E. of Devon of his honor of Okehamptone 3 8 7 d . To 


Andrew Harlewyne rent — at Xmas £1 5 8 8 d — at Easter 
£2 17- 6 d . 

1552. Bailiff "in misericordia quia non attachiavit 
Willelmum Southeo ad respondendum domino de eo quod 
accusatus est, eo quod custodit in domo sua quamdam 
mulierem suspectam unde," &c. 

W m Aylacott elected tithingman, J no Aylacott reve. 

" Godescote " changed to " Guscott." 

1627. Henry Pengelly occupied Calahouse ; E d Pengelly 
occupied Vowsdon ; W m Pengelly occupied Fursdon. 

Sir Tho 8 Wise, K.C.B., Sir Shilston Calmady, heirs of Sir 
W m Kirkham, J no Moore, Esq., J no Dynham, Esq. — Free 

In this year there were a large number of plaints. 

Liber Curiae Manerii de Bratton pro anno de festo Sancti 
Michaelis 1684. 

W m Langford and Tho 8 Corindon, lords of the Manor. 

Achille Prest— Bailiff. 

Freeholders — Heirs of W m Langford for Langworthy; 
Eev. Cha 8 Hutton for Bannadowne; J no Pengelly for p* of 
Fursdon; Josias Calmady, Esq., for Eastlake; heirs of Ed. 
Wise, K.C.B., for Brockscombe ; heirs of J no Moore, Esq., for 

; heirs of J no Dinham, Esq., for Blackabroome ; heirs 

of J ao Dinham, Esq., viz. J no Harris and Nich 8 Hickes, West 

Burneby and Rexon ; J no Chasty pro ; W m Langford, 

Esq., pro ; J no Lavers pro £ Calahowse ; J no Corindon, 

pro Lower Vowdon and Tymbrell Downe. 

Leaseholders — J no Hole, Francis Hole, J no Lavers, Benj n 
Stambury, Maria Skelly, W m Hill, Fr. Northey, J no Pike and 
J 00 Hill, Hen. Soper, Tho 8 Newton, Geo. Newton, Christ. 
Hall, E d Dell, Hen. Bullis, Step. Caddy, Fr. Caddy, Ch r 
Rudstone, Fr. Lavers, Sibel Hutton. 

Sectatores ad curiam — 
J no Pengelly, heirs W m Langford, Esq r for Langworthy. 

Sectatores ad curiam — 

Heirs of R d Burnaby, Esq r ., J no Corindon, Esq r ., J no 
Chasty, Arth. Pengelly. 

16. Censores. 

Decimarius de Bratton — Benj. Stambury. Decimarius de 
Guscutt — Hill y Peirce. Jurors for " Domino Rege " chosen. 

High way from Rexon Water to Whiteacross ; high way 
from Bradwood Water to Bradamoor; high way from 
Heddisdon More to Luddon Corner ; high way from Wrixell 
Bridge to Long Crosse — in decay, to be repaired; so also 
" Colliatrigium " et " Abapum." 


J no Hole, prepositus for coming year. J no Pengelly, Esq., 
of Fursdon . . . decimarius for coming year. J no Stuky, beer 

19 Chas. I. 1633, comes a deed relating to West-Borough, 
in the Bosleia part of Bratton. J ao Saunders of Bratton 
conveys his right for term of years to Moises Langifforde in 
trust It was sometime the inheritance of J no Hockadaye. 

Many interesting names occur in the Eolls. 

Borneby, Joan in 1377, Edw* in 1432, W m ., R d ., and Rob* 
in 1684. Their pedigree is set down by Vivian, p. 119. I 
have a deed signed "Thomas Burnebury." Thurs. before 
29 June, 1490. "Noverint ... me Thomam Burnebury 
armigerum remisisse . . . Johanni Dymok armigero . . . 
in Westwertha in parochia de Wike-germyn." 

Estelake begins in 1377, and is found in all the rolls till 
after 1552. 

Kirkham. Kerham in 1377 ; Kyrcham and Kirchamyston, 
1408 ; then Kirkham. 

Hokkeday regularly from 1416 to 1552. 

Langeford — from 1552 — belonged to one of the oldest 
Devon families. I have some hundred deeds which belonged 
to them, dating back from the thirteenth century. 

Mansypdyche, or Manchypsydiche, is remarkable. There 
is a farm, Mandich, close to Bradbury Castle, and Maindea 
in Bratton. Also Quodich, or Cowdich, a few miles to the 
West. Also Youldich by Meldon, and Olditch by Stickle- 
path. By Hannaditches near Seaton are the remains of 
a Roman villa. We have W m Mansip. 2 

Pengelly will interest members of the Association. They 
were for some time lords of the Manor. 

Manscipe in Anglo-Saxon means what belonged to man, 
just as lordship what belonged to the lord. This may 
suggest that the hundred court was held at Bradbury. But 
we have also mancipium, "a buying," and mancipatio, 
manumissio ; mancipium is, moreover, sometimes a villa. 
The last seems to afford the true explanation, and then the 
farm now called Mansditch, adjoining Bradbury, will be the 
Farm by the Ditch, and we might find there traces of a 
Roman villa. Again, Cair — mancipit (vol. xxiii. p. 67, Trans.) 
is Verulam, where Caesar defeated Cassivelaunus — i.e. the 
villa of the caer, ceaster, or Chester. 

Next we notice Shereystone, Shuryston, Sherestooerdone — 
called in the Tithe Map, Chestermoor. Sher, caer, castr seem 

* Somerset Records, v. 36. 


to be from the same root. So Sher-es-t-over-down is the 
down of the rill of the fortified place. 

Eysdone, Eyssdone, Beysdone occurs from 1408 to 1437. 
They lived at a farm in Bratton, still called Eisedon, meaning, 
probably, having regard to its situation, rising ground. This 
seems to have been the cradle of the family. The Ardiqvary 
tells us they came from near Okehampton. I append an 
abstract of a deed of conveyance of " Eisdon." 

15 Dec. 20 Hen. 7. 1504— "apud Eisdone." "Omnibus . . . 
Nos mag r Tho 8 Austell Tresaurarius (sic.) ecclesie Cathedralis 
Exon 8 , W m Kelly de Southweke armiger, et Nicholaus 
Hokkeday. . . . Cum nos . . . per W m Eisdone f. et her 
Thome Eisdone . . . nuper feoffati fuerimus de et in . . . 
ipsius W m Eisdone, in Eisdone, cum le Bromehill, et medie- 
tate terre sue de Godmisdone in par. de Brattone, cum 
communi pasture in Bozisleghe . . . et eciam de et in toto 
prato suo in Cronslade, cum communi pasture in Pyttyllyl- 
worthy in par. de Sorton, etc." 

In trust for W m Eisdone for life ; rem r to J no s. & h. ; rem' 
to Tho 8 W m and Nich 8 ; rem r to Joan sist. J no . Attornies — 
W m Hockeday, J no Corindone. Witnesses — Hen. Estlake, 
W m Dowe, Eog r Corindone. 

Swathele— 1408— W m 

5 Ap. 20 Hen. 8. 1528— " Omnibus . . . Eogerus 
Langyfibrde et Johannes Putcot imperpetuum recuperavimus 
. . . Swatheledowne aliter dictum Landone . . . versus 
Johannam Yeldone viduam per breve domini Eegis de 
ingressu. . . ." 

Swaddledowne was the residence of the Langfords. 

Trybuke— Colyn de, 1408. Trebek Tho 8 , 1482. We have 
also Trylleland (which belonged to J no de Bratton), Tymbrell 
Down, and Tymbury, which seem to indicate 8 the " cucking 
stoole, anciently Tymbrel or Trebucket, by Bracton, Tym- 

There is a farm near the village called Calehouse, which 
was Calewhouse and Calwehous in 1432, Calahouse in 1684. 
The index to Glouces. Corpor. Records mentions "Bald, 
Caluus, le Cauf, Henry the . . . Callow, Calewe, le Calwe, 
Eobert atte Caluwe. Also Cayleway Elias." 

I take it, then, Calehouse is a place of bare, thin, poor 
soil; that Cayleway or Kellaway, the ancient name of the 
Staffords, is from the same source ; and also such names as 
Cold-harbour, Cole-house, which often occur in Devonshire 
and other counties. 

3 Blount, And. Tots. 117. 


Meletone R d — thus the name is written in 1377. In 1408 
it is B d Mille, and in 1432 Hen. atte Mille. The manor 
courts were held at Milltown. Melhuish is, of course, a 
well-known name in this part of Devon. Mel-hus is, in 
Anglo-Saxon, a meal house, a mill — hence the origin of the 
name. Again, Melihebury mead, Upper and Lower Melbury 
are near Bradbury Castle, and near them is a mill, so that 
Melbury seems to be the mill of the stronghold. 

Between Bratton and Bradbury we have Metherell, 
Swatheledown, and Voghelesdon, or Woghelesdone. Are 
we wrong in taking these to mean (1) the more wearisome 
hill (med-er), (2) the sweat hill down — now Swaddledown, 
(3) the farm at the cross roads of the hill (wog-es, of the 
turning) ? 




(Read at Okehampton, July, 1895.) 

In the following paper I propose to enquire into the connec- 
tion which exists between the contents of the Domesday 
Book 1 and the contents of the Geldroll, so far as they relate 
to this county. The Geldroll is a record of the total sums 
paid into the King's Exchequer, or excused from being paid, 
in the year 1084 on the basis of the then existing assess- 
ment ; the Domesday Survey, a record of the several estates 
liable to contribute to the King's geld, and the amount of the 

1 In a former paper (Trans, xxvi. 148) I fear I have too readily followed 
Dr. Oliver in identifying Wrfciete with Hurdwick. Plenty of other instances 
may, nevertheless, be quoted to prove the confusion of t and k. Thus 
Spioewito is now Spitchwicfc. Edril and Edric are constantly interchanged. 
Barfestan and BacAestan seem to be variants of the same name. Devonshire 
people still call a casfc a casl, and a misl a mis£ (Trans, xiii. 90), and many 
others say as* for-asfe. Mr. Hutchinson, in his " Population of Sidmouth in 
1260," (Trans, vii. 205), gives No. 35, Codde or Todde ; No. 57, Cocele or 
Totele; No. 133, Costinere or Tostinere, as equivalents. Churchstowe was in 
the 13th century frequently written Thurescowe (Oliver, Mon. 374), and in 
the After Death Inquests, 47 Henry III., of Baldwin de Insula, Tamer ton 
Foliot was written Caverton Foliot. Alberic, of the Exchequer Domesday, is 
called Alberid in the Exeter Book, under Stochelie (No. 434, p. 416). It has 
been pointed out to me that in identifying Edwin's Buterlie ( Trans, xxvi 155) 
with Butterleigh in Hairidge Hundred, Butterleigh Parish, which is a 
detached part of Cliston Hundred, is left unaccounted for. I readily accept 
the correction. And since Edwin had only two holdings, one of which was 
in Cliston, the other in Hairidge Hundred, it follows that Edwin's other 
holding, Clist, must be in Hairidge Hundred. We can hardly, then, do 
otherwise than identify it with Clist William in Plymtree, a small farm of 
about 80 acres, which lies in Hairidge Hundred. Thorn bury mentioned 

£163 is not in Cheriton Bishop, but is a detached part of Hittisleigh Parish, 
ardon mentioned pp. 163 and 311 is also not in South Tawton Parish, but 
is a detached part of Drewsteignton Parish. 


liability of each in the year 1086. The subject of assess- 
ment is, therefore, common to both. May I, then, be 
permitted, before comparing the contents of the two, (1) to 
say a word on the system of assessment in use among the 
Saxons in levying the taxes severally known as the Dane- 
geld, the Heregeld, and the King's geld ? 2 I will then (2) 
draw attention to the apparent discrepancies between the two 
records, and finally (3) offer some suggestions which may help 
to explain them. 



1. The invasions of the Northmen or Danes began, as is 
well known, before the accession of Egbert to the throne, in 
the year 787 a.d. Mr. Freeman, in his History of the 
Norman Conquest, has shewn that in these invasions three 
periods may be distinguished, (1) one of mere plunder, from 
787 to 855 a.d. ; (2) one of settlement, from 855 to 897 a.d. ; 
and (3) one of political conquest, from 980 to 1016 A.D. 8 It is 
in the last of these periods that the Danegeld commences. 

In the year 991 a.d., the Northmen, under Justin and 
Guthmund, made a serious attack upon the East of England, 
intending to establish themselves there. Against them the 
Alderman Brihtnoth took the field. Just as he was preparing 
for battle, the enemy sent a herald offering to withdraw on 
payment of a sum of money, to be assessed at their dis- 
cretion. The proposal was scouted, and the battle of Maldon 
fought, in which Brihtnoth was slain and the Northmen 
were victorious. After the country had been ravaged by 
them, their offer was reconsidered by the advice of Archbishop 
Sigeric, and ultimately accepted ; and thus, as Mr. Freeman 
expresses it, " was inaugurated the fatal policy of trying to 
effect by gold what could not be effected by steel, and 
trusting to barbarians who never kept their promises, and 
who, as soon as they had spent one instalment of tribute, 
came back to exact another." 4 The payment then first made 
to buy off massacre and plunder was called Danegeld. 

2 In Trans, xxvi. 153, following Freeman's Norman Conquest i. 672, 1 have 
used the '* Danegeld " to express ail three. It might have been better to call 
it the King's geld. The King's geld is called Danegeld in a charter of 
Richard I. quoted by Oliver, Afonaslicon, p. 373 . 

3 Freeman, Norman Conquesti. pp. 12,44; Davidson, in Trans, xiii. 107. 
Pengelly, in Trans, xiii. 140, musters all the authorities dealing with the first 
appearance of the Danes in 787 a.d., and p. 146 sums up in favour of Port- 
land being the place at which they landed. 

4 Freeman, Ibid. pp. 296, 304. 


Three years afterwards, the South of England was overrun 
and plundered by the same foe. A simiL expedient was 
resorted to, and a sum of £16,000 paid to the two Danish 
kings, not as the price of withdrawal from the country, but 
of abstention from massacre and plunder. 5 Six years later, 
in 1001 A.D., the Danes again overspread the country, wast- 
ing, burning, killing in their accustomed manner. The men 
of Somerset and Devon gathered their forces and met the 
enemy at Pinhoe ; but the force of two shires was not 
enough for the purpose. The Danes had the advantage of 
numbers, and put the irregular English levies to flight. 6 
Again they had to be bought off on their own terms, and 
this time £24,000 was asked and paid. 

In the winter of 1006-1007 a.d. the Danes were once more 
at their old practices. This was the most fearful inroad 
which England had yet seen. But such was the weakness 
of the country, and the incompetence of its rulers, that 
nothing could be thought of save the old expedient of 
money. The price was, however, raised. This time £36,000 
had to be paid. 7 

Once more, in 1011 a.d., the same miserable scenes were 
gone through. The price was then further raised, and £48,000 
demanded. 8 Finally, when in the year 1016 a.d. the forces 
of Edmund had been defeated by Cnut at Assandun, the 
heaviest Danegeld of all was demanded as a condition of 
peace — £10,500 to be paid by London, and £72,000 by the 
rest of the kingdom. 9 To avoid the recurrence of such 
crushing demands in future, the Witenagemot assembled at 
London elected Cnut for sovereign and lord, and with this 
election the payment of Danegeld, as such, came to an end. 
What was subsequently called Danegeld, was in reality 
Heregeld, or the King's geld. 10 

2. Long before the Danegeld was thought of, in fact from 
the time when the Saxons first established themselves in this 
country, money, as well as men, was from time to time 
required for purposes of defence. To raise this money a tax 
was imposed, called Heregeld or army tax. The system 
according to which the Heregeld was levied appears to have 
been the following. The sum required to be raised was 
apportioned among the contributory shires, the quota of each 

5 Freeman, Ibid. p. 317. 

6 Ibid. p. 340, and Peterborough Chronicle, quoted by Davidson, Trans, 
xt. 146. 

7 Ibid. p. 361. 8 Ibid. p. 382. 9 Ibid. p. 462. 
10 Ibid. i. 572 ; ii. 124. 


shire being determined by the number of the existing Saxon 
homesteads. Instead of paying so much in the pound, as is 
the modern custom, each full homestead, mansa, cassata, or 
hide 11 was required to contribute a specified sum, 4Jd. in one 
case, Is. or 2s. in other cases, and all the land under cultiva- 
tion was grouped under homesteads. Thus the homestead or 
hide, and not the pound, was the unit of assessment. 

At first, no doubt, when the defence of each shire 
was conducted by its own ealderman, the number 
of assessed homesteads, or hides, may have kept pace 
with the actual number of existing homesteads, two, 
three, or four small homesteads being grouped together so 
as to count as one full homestead. But as the kingdom was 
consolidated, such a system would be found to have many 
drawbacks. Unless the number of homesteads available 
for a levy were approximately known, the central authority 
would be unable to determine the rate at which the tax 
should be gathered. Accordingly the kingdom had no sooner 
become consolidated, than the number of contributory hides 
in each shire appears as a fixed number, and also the 
number apportioned to each hundred composing the shire. 
Henceforth, as new homesteads sprang up, they seem to 
have been made to contribute to the Heregeld, not by 
increasing the number of hides or assessment-units in the 
shire or Hundred, but by redistributing the existing assess- 
ment-units between the old and the new homesteads, some- 
what after the manner in which the land-tax is now dealt 
with. This state of things may possibly have been brought 
about during Egbert's over-lordship. Even redistribution 
probably ceased after King Alfred's time, which may account 
for the stories which refer to him the institution of Hun- 
dreds and tithings. I do not know that there is any evidence 
to shew that any changes were made in the Hundreds, between 
the time of King Alfred and the Conquest. Indeed, it is 
not easy to see how the Hundreds could have been courts 
of record, as we know they were, had their constituent parts 

11 Mansa is the term generally used in the Charters to express what is 
called hide in Domesday. For instance, the half mansa at Littleham, in 
the Charter quoted by Mr. Davidson in Trans, xv. 148, is the half hide in 
Dmncsday, ISo. 289, p. 263. According to Ine's Law a.d. 693 (Law 13 in 
Johnson, 61 in Haddan and Stubbs, EccUs. Documents, iii. 217), 
Church shot had to be paid " according to the healm [or roof] and 
to the fire hearth" which a man occupied at midwinter. This 
method of supporting the Church by paying so much for each homestead 
was, doubtless, the old Saxon system before the payment of tithes was 
introduced. The practice of giving 40 sheaves from each holding, referred to 
in Trans, xxvi. 137, n. 3, appears to have been a survival of it. 


been ever-changing. Such changes as were made after the 
Conquest are generally said to have been made wrongfully. 12 
The Hundred system was breaking up in the thirteenth 
century, when tithings, one after another, withdrew their 
suit and rendered it where they pleased. 

So far as Devonshire is concerned, it may be inferred from 
the extreme sub-division of the hides or assessment-units 
among the estates mentioned in Domesday, that the quota 
of each Hundred must have been fixed at a time when the 
Saxon population was very sparse. 13 If the Conquest of 
Devon was effected as early as Cynewulfs reign (755-784 
a.d.), as Mr. Davidson gives good reason for believing, 14 
there is nothing about the circumstances of this county 
to militate against dating the fixing of the assessment 
from Egbert's time. Here and there, it is true, indications 
of a thicker population are to be found, which might point 
to a later date. Thus, ten full homesteads must have existed 
at Woodbury when the number of assessment-units was 
fixed, but these may have included also the assessment 
of Lympstone, since in the After Death Inquests, of 17 
Edward I., Lympstone is not described as a manerium 
extentum, but only as a hamlet. There were also twenty 
at Paignton, but these may have been distributed in groups 
over a large area, including Paignton, Marldon, Collaton 
St. Mary, and Stoke Gabriel. 15 There were eighteen at 
Bishopsteignton, but these, again, may have been distributed 
over Chudleigh, Bishopsteignton, and West Teignmouth, 16 

19 Of Bichenelie (No. 62, p. 57), which was appurtenant to Tawstock, in 
Fremington Hundred in King Edward's time, it is said : This land is now 
wrongfully appurtenant to Bichentone [in North Tawton Hundred]. Otber 
instances of withdrawal from the tithing to which they belonged, which 
may, or may not, have involved withdrawal from the Hundred, are Swetton 
(No. 1107, p. 1053), Hanberie (No. 1131, p. 1073), Doulton (No. 1108, 
p. 1155). In the thirteenth century the Hundred Rolls are full of 
presentments of withdrawals. Thus under Shebbear : Joanna de Campo 
Arnulpho has withdrawn from monthly suit to the Hundred, and renders 
it to the Manor of Beaford. 

w King's Presidential Address, Trans, vii. 39. 

14 Trans, ix. 209. 

18 See the Deed dated 10th July, 1654, quoted by Mr. Lane in Trans, xvi. 

u The Bishop's Tantone, No. 107, p. 101, contained 5810 acres. The 
present parish of Bishopsteignton contains 3130, or only half that quantity. 
West Teignmouth, which contains 403 acres, was not separated from Bishops- 
teignton before Henry IIL'g time. Dr. Lake, in Trans, vi. 377, Quotes 
Risdon as saying that the separation was effected in the twenty-second year 
of Bishop Blondy. As Bishop Blondy only held the See for twelve years, 
1245-1257 A.D., this may be an error for the second year, a.d. 1246. 
Chudleigh, which contains 6230 acres, appears also to have been included 
in the Bishop's Tantone. It is not otherwise mentioned in Domesday. 



fourteen at Otterton, twelve at Bishop's Taw ton, again dis- 
tributed over an area of some 15,000 acres, 17 nine at Holcumbe 
Bogus, seven each at Musbury, Chillington or Stokenham, 
and Tallaton, six each at Werrington, U ply me, Kenn, and 
Ashburton, and five each at Tawstock, Winkleigh, Culmstock, 
Shebbear, and Ghulmleigh. It is indeed probable that for 
some time after the Saxon Conquest of the county, when the 
hostility between races ran high, 18 Saxon homesteads never 
stood alone, but always in groups, and each homestead may 
have consisted of several families. But as the Saxon hold 
on the county grew firmer, these homesteads and families 
may have distributed themselves over the surrounding area, 
or, at least, have distributed the liability to contribute over 
it. Thus not only hides are met with, but half-hides and 
quarter hides, or virgates, and half-quarters, and sixteenths 
or ferlings, and, occasionally, half ferlings and third ferlings. 19 
3. Upon the death of Harold and the election of 
Harthacnut to be King over all England in the year 1040, 
the tax which had first been known as Heregeld, and 
afterwards collected as Danegeld ceased to be gathered 
for these purposes. From time to time a similar tax con- 
tinued to be levied by the Sovereign for his own purposes, 
which was then called the King's geld. Harthacnut had 
come over with sixty ships. For each man of their crews 
he demanded twenty marks, 20 and for his own use £22,000. 
This tax was raised in exactly the same way as the Heregeld, 
viz., so much from each full homestead or hide, the number 
of hides not being the number of homesteads actually 

17 Bishop's Tautone (No. 114, p. 109) contained in Domesday 15,136 acres 
Sawins Birige ... (No. 306, p. 285) „ „ 402 acres 

The two together ... 15,538 acres 
Bishop 8 Tawton Parish now contains 3863 
Land key ,, ,, 3161 

Swymbridge „ „ 7061 

Together ... 14,085 acres 

May some parts of Chittlehampton have been included in the Bishop's 
Tautone ? Or were the plough lands only ninety acies each 1 

18 Canon 59, Concil. Chelsea, a.d. 816 : "That none of Scottish extraction 
be permitted to exercise the sacred ministry in any one's Church." 

" Thus originally there may have existed four Saxon homesteads, all lying 
together at Budleigh, in the district now occupied by East Budleigh, 
Withecombe, Fen Ottery, and Littleham parishes. It would then pay 
for 4 hides. As the families composing these homesteads distributed 
themselves over the surrounding country, first 1 hide was charged upon 
Withecombe, then 1 hide upon Bicton, 4 hide upon Littleham, £ hide upon 
Dalditch, £ virgate each upon Landesherg and Boystock, and J hide upon 
Newton Poppleford, leaving Budleigh township only answerable for} hide. 

30 Freeman, L 569. 


existing, but the number assessed upon each shire and 
Hundred. In 1084 a.d., the King's geld was levied at the 
rate of 6s. per hide ; in Henry L's time, in 1130 A.D., at the 
rate of 2s. ; in Henry II.'s time, in 1156 a.d., at a similar 
rate. 21 

Under this system of assessment the burden of taxation 
fell very unequally on different parts of the kingdom. In 
some shires — in Berkshire for instance, where the county was 
fully peopled by Saxons before Egbert's time — the number of 
assessed homesteads or hides very nearly corresponded with 
the actual number. In Middlesex it was even in excess of 
it, in the ratio of 6 to 5. In the western counties it fell 
short of it, in Dorset short, in Devonshire shorter, shortest of 
all in Cornwall. We shall, therefore, do well to remember 
that the hide in Devonshire is purely a measure of liability 
to contribute, and not a measure of area. Probably no 
preater confusion has ever been made than that of treating 
the hide of Domesday as an extendible quantity, and speaking 
of it as having contained so many hundred or thousand acres, 
because at the time when the quota of each Hundred was 
fixed only so many Saxon homesteads existed within a given 
area, and that area, if equally divided, would average that 
number of acres to each. 22 The Saxon homestead, here as 
elsewhere, contained approximately about 100 acres of arable 
land, sometimes more, occasionally less, but in this county 
probably less than elsewhere, say 65 acres as a minimum, 
115 as a maximum. It was what would be now called 
a four-horse farm, with the usual adjuncts of meadow, 
pasture, and wood. The position it held at first in the 
surrounding country was that of a clearance in the forest, 
an oasis in the desert. The surrounding country it did 
not originally include, 23 and bore no relation to its ex- 

21 Eyton's Dorset Domesday i. 70. 

a Around Morbath, for instance (No. 66. p. 61), which paid for 3 hides, it is 
stated in Domesday, lay 2070 acres ; around Holcumbe Rogus (No. 484, 
p. 457), which paid for 9 hides 2474 acres. We cannot thence infer that a 
hide in Morbath measured 690 acres, and a hide at Holcumbe 275, but only 
that three Saxon homesteads existed in the district of Morbath, whereas 9 
existed in the district of Holcumbe at the time when the contributory quota 
of these districts was fixed. 

n Astonishment has been expressed that South Molton (No. 10, p. 9), with 
an area of 4400 acres, should only have paid on 1^ vir^ates. But supposing 
that there were originally only two Saxon homesteads there, or a number of 
■mailer ones equivalent to two full ones, we may imagine that as the hostility 
between the conquerors and the conquered subsided, these homesteads over- 
flowed, and first included Hacche (No. 1126, p. 1069). upon which an assess- 
ment of J-hide was paid ; then Bremeridge (No. 199, p. 181). which was 
assessed also at 2 virgates ; then Ringedone (No. 487* p. 461) called upon to 
contribute to the extent of 1 virgate ; North A Her (No. 200, p. 183), South 

N 2 


tent. 24 Liberty to enclose or "essart" was not given until 
King John disafforested the county in 1204. 



We pass on to compare the contents of the two docu- 

1. The Geldroll dates from the year 1084 A.D. 26 In the 
following year, according to the Saxon Chronicle, " the King 
held a great consultation, and spoke deeply with his witan 
concerning the land, how it was held, and what were its 
tenants. He then sent his men over all England, into every 
shire, and caused them to ascertain how many hundred hides 
of land it contained, and what lands the King possessed 
there, what cattle there were in the several counties, and 
how much revenue he ought to receive yearly from each. 
He also caused them to write down how much land belonged 
to his Archbishops, to his Bishops, Abbots, and Earls, and 
that I may be brief, what property every inhabitant of 
all England possessed in land or in cattle, and how much 
money this was worth. So very narrowly did he cause 
the survey to be made that there was not a single hide, nor a 

Aller (No. 1126, p. 1069), Ringedone (No. 11, p. 9) required to contribute 
each to the extent of £ virgate, leaving only 1} virgates to be borne by South 
Molton itself. Similarly at North Tawton (No. 3, p. 5) there may have been 
originally only 2 Saxon homesteads, and hence its contribution was fixed at 
2 bides. Then, as Tawelande (No. 1200, p. 1135) was included, it was 
made answerable for 1 virgate ; Crook (No. 1202, p. 1137) for 3 virgates ; 
an adjacent settlement (No. 1203, p. 1137) for 1 virgate ; Greenslade (No. 
462, p. 437) for J virsrate ; Pafford (No. 1143, p. 1085) for 1 virgate ; Nicols 
Nimet (No. 458, p. 433) for 1 virgate, until only J virgate was left as the 
basis of contribution tor North Tawton. 

** Blacktorrington (No. 58, p. 53). assessed at If hides is found in an area 
of 3300 acres in Domesday, whilst Sidbury (No. 118, p. 113), assessed at 3, 
is found in an area of 3412 acies. Woodbury (No. 50, p. 45), assessed at 10 
hides, has about it an area of 3890 acres, whilst Otter ton (No. 300, p. 277), 
assessed at 14, has 2875; Collumpton (No. 1224, p. 1157), assessed at 1 
virgate, is in the midst of 3372 acres ; and Lege (No. 1185. p. 1123), also 
assessed at 1 virgate of 75 acres. B rede lie (No. 1130, p. 1071), assessed at 
1 virgate, has around it 672 acres, and Weaver (No. 515, p. 485), assessed also 
at 1 virgate. 220. Hemyock (No. 13, p. 11), assessed at 1 virgate, 1656 acres, 
and South Molton (No. 10, p. 9), assessed at 1J virgates, 4400. Hille (No. 
1196. p. 1133), assessed at £ ferling, or nVof a hide, has about it 170 acres ; 
the adjoining Combe (No. 1197, p. 1133), with the same assessment, 51. 
One estate at Worlington (No. 1137, p. 1077), assessed at 1 ferling, has 50 
acres ; another estate at Worlington (No. 760, p. 729), also assessed at 1 
ferling, 102J. In one case an estate of 55 acres at Clist William pays for 
J hide (No. 1251, p. 1183), in another an estate of 51 acres at Wood and 
Honeyland, Tiverton (No. 990, p. 951), pays for 1 ferling, or ^ of a hide, 
whilst at Standone (No. 965, p. 927) an estate of 80 acres pays for a virgate. 

19 Eyton's Dorset Domesday, p. 109. Davidson, in Trans. xvL, p. 450.- 


rood of land, nor — it is shameful to relate that which 
he thought no shame to do — was there an ox, or a cow, 
or a pig passed by that was not set down in the returns, and 
then all these writings were brought to him." The returns 
seem to have reached the King, at Winchester, before Easter, 
1086. During Pentecost he was at Westminster, and "he 
came to Salisbury at Lammas ; and his witan and all the 
landholders of substance in England, whose vassals soever 
they were, repaired to him there; and they all submitted 
to him and became his men, and swore oaths of allegiance to 
him that they would be faithful to him against all others." 
The transcript from these returns, either in its unabbreviated 
form as the Exeter Book, or in its abbreviated form as 
the Exchequer Book, is therefore a Register of all estates 
which were then assessed to the King's geld, whether 
exempt or not from payment ; and, inasmuch as the Geldroll 
is a list of payments made into the Exchequer from the 
same estates only the year previously, it follows that the 
contents of one must be substantially identical with the 
contents of the other. 

2. The first point in which the contents of the two seem 
to differ is that names are found in the Geldroll which 
do not appear in Domesday. Thus, in Plympton Hundred 
(p. xliii.), land is mentioned as held by Serlo under Godfrey, 
and by Adzo and Frotmund under Reginald ; and also 
in Ermyngton Hundred (p. xlvi.), as held by Odo, Turstin, 
Letard, and Frotmund under Eeginald. These names do not 
occur in Domesday. The explanation is, however, very 
simple. 86 Each estate was assessed to the King's geld at a 
certain amount, but as we see from the Exeter Book this 
assessment was divided, so much on the lordship, so much on 

98 Serlo's J hide, held tinder Godfrey, in Plympton Hundred, may possibly 
be Winestane(No. 342, p. 321), i.e., if Winestane is Weston in Yealmpton, and 
not Wisdom in Corn wood ; for the latter is in Ermyngton Hundred. Or else it 
may be Tori (No. 368. p. 345). Both Winestane and Tori are, however, in 
Domesday said to be held by Reginald, not by Godfrey [de Valletorta, p. 838], 
under the Earl of Moritain. But elsewhere in the Exeter Book (No. 36, 
p. 32), Godfrey is said to hold Ferdendel of the Earl, whereas in the 
Exchequer Book (No. 386, p. 365), Ferdendelle is said to be held by 
Reginald. There seems to have been some change of ownership. Were they 
father and son, or uncle and nephew ? Adzo's £ hide is Hearaton in Brixton 
(Harestane, No. 34, p. 321); Frotmund's 1 virgate Spriddlestone in Brixton 
(Spredelestone, No. 370, p. 347), both said in Domesday to be held by 
Reginald of the Earl. Odo's } hide held under Reginald is probably 
Lodbrook (No. 338, p. 317) ; Letard's 1 virgate, Lupridge in North 
Hewish (No. 839. p. 319), Frotmund's £ virgate, Torpeak (Pech, No. 890, 
p. 369). and Turstin's J hide, the part of Yealmpton, called Alfelmestone 
(No. 1039, p. 997). The three former of these were held by Reginald of the 
Earl of Moritain, the last-named by Reginald, of Ruald Adobed. 

174 tea Devonshire domesday and the geldroll. 

the village-land, and the lordship itself was often farmed out 
The collector, who knew the distribution and the farmer, 
set down in the Geldroll who had paid and who was in 
arrear. But the Kings Domesday Commissioners generally 
ignore such private arrangements, and treat the lord as 
owning the whole, unless the farmer happens to be a 
frankling. When the villagers themselves are the farmers, it 
is only accidentally noticed. 27 

It is, of course, just possible that between 1084 A.D., when 
the Geldroll was drawn up, and the following year, when the 
materials for the Domesday record were collected, some 
changes of ownership may have taken place other than those 
brought about by grants to dependents in fee, farm, or at 
will. 28 But it is in the last degree improbable that such 
changes should have been made without being mentioned in 
Domesday. We are distinctly told that the King holds 
Ermentone (No. 36, p. 31) and Auetone * (Blackawton, No. 
37, p. 31), which he obtained from Walter de Dowai, in 

17 Under Herstanhaia, in Clistone Hundred, No. 894, p. 862 : Goscelm 
[the Canon of Exeter, p. xzvi.] has a barton-estate . . . which paid geld 
for 1J hides. There Goscelm has six villagers, who have these 1J hides and 
these three plough-teams to farm. 

** In Colyton Hundred, p. xxxiv. the widow, Emma, is stated to have 
2J virgates exempt. The name appears only once in Domesday, as that 
ot Baldwin's wife holding Bredeford (No. 540, p. 513), but Odo is stated to 
hold 2 virgates in lordship under Baldwin at Come (in Gittisham, No. 584, 
p. 557), and Rainald to have 2 ferlings in lordship under Baldwin at Offwell 
(No. 585, p. 557). Excepting these two estates, I can point to no others 
in Colyton Hundred which could represent the widow Emma's land. Was 
this Emma Baldwin's daughter a widow atter the death of her first husband, 
Richard Avenell ? If so, we can understand why Domesday treats her estates 
as Baldwin's, who may have given them to her in frank marriage, and held 
them for her after her husband's death. In Tiverton Hundred, p. xxv., 
Alivet is said to be in arrear on 2 ferlings, which he held under Odo 
Fitz Gamelin. This seems to be Cilletone (Che ten, No. 1140, p. 1081), 
which in Domesday Odo Fitz Gamelin himself held. Alivet may, therefore, 
only have been farming them, or a tenant at will. In the Hundred 
Rolls of 3 Ed. I. a.d. 1274, p. 31, we read : " King John gave the Hundred 
[Budleigh J to William Briwere to hold at the will of the King." Ibid. p. 
32. Reginald de Sauser now holds Chilsworthy by gift of the King at 
the King's pleasure. 

t9 That the King's Auetone must be Blackawton, and Ruald Adobed's 
Auetone (No. 1038, p. 997), Awton Giffard, may be shewn as follows: — 
I. The King's Auetone was the larger of the two. It contained 2465 
acres, whereas Ruald's Auetone only contained 1294. Now, Blackawton 
is the larger of the two, and contains 5646 acres, whereas Awton 
Giffard contains 3182. This raises a presumption that the King's 
Auetone is Blackawton. 2. In Domesday, Ruald Adobed, besides 
Auetone held also Witecerce, Lambretone. Were, Chempebere, and other 
places. In the 4th year of Ed. I., Emma, daughter of Walter Giffard, died 
seized of Aveton Giffard, Whitechurch, Lamerton, Were, Kempebere, 
and Lemstelegh {After Death Inquests, p. 60). This raises a presumption 


exchange for Bampton (No. 804, p. 775). We are also told 
that the Bishop of Exeter holds Haxon and Button, in 
Bratton Fleming (No. 113, p. 109), which he obtained from 
the Earl of Mortain in exchange for the Castle of Cornwall; 
that the wife of Hervi de Helion holds Essestone (Exton 
in Woodbury, No. 1150, p. 1091), and other lands which 
she obtained in exchange for Cilletone (probably XJheten, 
in Tiverton, No. 1140, p. 1081); and that Ruald Adobed 
holds Panestan (Panson, St. Giles 1 in the Heath, No. 1014, 
p. 971), which he received in exchange for Brockland in 
Axmouth (No. 1004, p. 963), and Bedic (Rayrish in South 
Leigh, No. 1005, p. 963). 30 We also read at the close of 
the entry respecting Sutone (Sutton Satchville, No. 1208, 
p. 1145) : The above estates are those which William 
the Seneschal, or Dispenser, got by exchange. All these 
references to exchange are made, although the exchanges 
themselves must have been completed before the time 
of the Geldroll. 81 Is it, then, unreasonable to suppose 
that had there been any other more recent exchanges the 
Domesday Survey would have passed them over without 
notice ? 

that Ruald's Auetone was the one which she held. 3. The parish of Awton 
Giffard contains besides Auetone two other Domesday estates, Heathfield(No. 
283, p. 257). held by Rucfast Abbey, containing 1242 acres, and Jndhel's Stad- 
bury (No. 657, p. 629), containing 320 acres. If the 1562 acres of these 
two latter estates are deducted from the 3182 acres which the parish 
contains, there remain 1620 acres, an adequate amount to represent Ruald's 
Auetone, but too few by one-half to represent the King's Auetone. Lest any 
one might think to get over this difficulty by suggesting that the Abbot 
of Bucfast's Heathfield is not Heath field in Awton Giffard, but Heathfield 
in Lodiswell, the Hundred Rolls of 3 Ed. I., a.d. 1274 (quoted by Mr. 
Brooking Rowe, Trans, viii., 825, 876). state that the Abbot holds Battekes- 
burne (Battisborough), Hetfell and Essa (Abbot's Ash, near Brownstone, 
in Modbury) in Ermyngton Hundred. Heathfield in Awton Giffard is 
in Ermyngton Hundred, whereas Heathfield in Lodiswell is in Stanboro* 
Hundred. The latter cannot, therefore, be the Abbot's Heathfield. 4. The 
Geldroll. p. xlvi., states that Ruald Adobed had an exempt lordship 
of 1 hide in Ermyngton Hundred. Now, Ruald can have had no estate 
at all in Ermyngton Hundred, unless it were Aueton assessed at 3 hides, 
of which 1 hide was in the lordship. It follows that Ruald's Auetone must 
lie in Ermyngton Hundred, which Awton Giffard does, but Blackawton does 

30 Called Redarch in After Death Inquests, 20 Ed. I. a.d. 1291. 

11 The Geldroll, p. xxxi., states that the wife of Harvei de Helion had 
\ hide and \ virgate exempt lordship in Budleigh Hundred. This 
cannot be Cilletone, the whole assessment of which was only 2 ferlings, 
but must have been one or more of the lands received in exchange, 
either Hacheurde or Essestone, or both. Hacheurde is too small to supply 
the necessary exemption. Essestone remains. It follows that Essestone 
must have been in the possession of Hervi de Helion's wife before the 
date of the Geldroll. 


3. There is, however, a seeming discrepancy between the 
Geldroll and the Domesday Survey of a far more serious kind, 
viz., the difference between the total number of assessment 
hides enumerated in the Geldroll, and the total number 
which is obtained by adding up those mentioned in 
Domesday. Although it has involved long calculations, I have best to deal here with the totals of the whole 
shire, because if we take the case of any particular Hundred, 
it may be so easily suggested that the Hundreds have 
altered, and that, therefore, no argument can be based upon 
the difference. 

A. According to the Geldroll, the sum total of all the 
assessment-hides in the shire is 1026 J, which may not 
impossibly be a transcriber's error for 1027£, the VI. being 
written for VII., just as in another place VIII. is written for 
VI. 32 Even so this figure does not square with the details of 
the Geldroll, as Mr. Brooking Eowe has already pointed out. 
He has accordingly put the sum total at 1029 hides, 1 
virgate, 3 ferlings, which creates a fresh difficulty. He has 
pointed out (p. xvi.) that in Fremington Hundred, where the 
exempt lordships are stated to amount to 8 hides, 1 virgate, 
2 ferlings, they really amount to 8 hides, 3 virgates, 2 
ferlings, and that in Torington Hundred, where they are 
stated to amount to 10 hides, they really amount to 10 
hides, 1 virgate. In both these cases there can be little 
doubt that he is right, because the figures thus corrected 
tally with the details of the exempt lordships, and also make 
the sum total of those Hundreds work out correctly, in 
Fremington Hundred as 20, in Torington as 34| hides. His 
suggestions with regard to Bampton and North Tawton 
Hundreds are more open to question. 

That there is a mistake somewhere in Bampton Hundred 
is obvious. Mr. Brooking Rowe suggests (p. xxxvi.) that 
7 hides, 3 virgates, 3 ferlings, should be substituted for 
7 hides, 3 virgates, 2 ferlings, as the amount of the exempt 
lordships. This suggestion, however, does not make the 
sum total of the Hundred work out to 25 hides, as stated in 
the Geldroll, and it introduces a small fraction of a virgate 
into a Hundred total, for which there is otherwise no 
precedent. If we suppose that the words " less 1 virgate " 
have dropped out in the Hundred total, and assume that 

n Under Plympton Hundred (pp. 10 to 11) the King is said to have received 
£3 108. 8d. as his geld. Now the geld on 11} hides, at 6s. a hide, only 
amounts to £3 10s. 6d., and since it is certain that more was not accounted 
for than was due, it is obvious that viii. is an error for vi 


some error has crept in in the particulars (not in the total) 
of the exempt lordships, we shall find that the total for the 
whole shire works out more easily. Perhaps we ought to 
read 2 virgates, 2£ ferlings, instead of 2 virgates, 3£ ferlings, 
for Walter de ClaviTs exemption, 83 or 1 hide, 2£ ferlings, 
instead of 1 hide, 3£ ferlings, for the Bishop of Coutances' 
exemption. 34 

There is also an error somewhere in Heytor Hundred. 
Either the particulars are right, and the exempt lordships 
amount to 17 instead of 16 hides, and the total hides of the 
Hundred are 51, not 50; or the totals, as they stand, are 
right, and the error is in the particulars. I am disposed 
to think that the error lies in the particulars, and that 
probably Eichard Fitz Turold's, and certainly the Abbot 
of Tavistock's, exemption should have been entered as \ 
instead of 1 hide. The substitution of 1 for \ is an error 
which will be found elsewhere, and even in the Domesday 

83 Walter de Clavil held Berlescome (No. 864, p. 831), assessed at 1 hide, 
1} virgates, in Bampton Hundred. The lordship of this is stated to have 
been assessed at 2 virgates, 1 ferling, so that 1J ferlings must be looked for 
elsewhere to make up an exemption of 2 virgates, 2} ferlings. If Schipebroc 
(No. 863, 831), which precedes Berlescome, and is assessed at 1 virgate, 
with 1 ferling in the lordship, were in Bampton Hundred, we should nave 
2 virgates, 2 ferlings, exempt in that Hundred. Riculf, under Walter, 
is also said to have J ferling of lordship at FereortSin (No. 866, p. 833), 
and if this should lie in Bampton Hundred, the necessary quantity will be 
made np. At present I am unable to identify Schipebroc, or Fereorfein, with 
places in Bampton Hundred, therefore attacn little value to this suggestion. 

84 It would seem that the Hundred of Moll and, which is now united with 
that of South Molton, was at the time of Domesday united with Bampton 
Hundred. Uffculm, which is now united with Bampton, was then a 
separate Hundred. For (1 ) it is impossible to account for the 24} hides 
of Bampton Hundred, or for the Bishop of Coutances' exemption of 1 hide, 3J 
ferlings, in that Hundred, except on this hypothsesis. (2) Domesday 
expressly states (No. 65, p. 59) that to Holland belongs the third penny 
of the three Hundreds of North Molton, Bampton, and Braunton, shewing 
that Holland was the head of Bampton as well as of the other two Hundreds. 
The Bishop of Coutances 1 exemption in Bampton Hundred remains a 
difficulty. The following may help to clear it up. The Bishop held (1) 
Petton (i.e. Petit- town) or Little Bampton (Bedendone, No. 203, p. 185). 
the lordship of which was assessed at £ hide. He also held (2) Holland 
(No. 204, p. 187) in Holland Hundred, the lordship of which was assessed at 
1 virgate. Also (3) Anestige (No. 205, p. 187), perhaps Henstndge in 
Berry Narbor, and, if so, presumably also in Holland Hundred. (Berry 
Narbor is still part of South Holton Hundred.) Anestige is stated to 
be assessed at 1 virgate, 3 ferlings, of which 2} ferlings are in the lordship, 
and 8£ ferlings the villagers have. Now 2& + 3& ferlings — 1 virgate, 2 
ferlings only, and there is 1 ferling short. The collector becoming aware of 
this deficiency, may possibly have altered 2J ferlings into 3£ ferlings for 
the lordship, instead of looking for the missing ferling where it is more likely 
to be found, in Fairleigh (No. 203, p. 183) probably a dependency of 
Anestige. These estates make 3 virgates, 2} ferlings, of lordship. 1 virgate 
still remains to be found. 


text itself. 86 For instance, Lege (No. 855, p. 823) i^ said 
to be assessed at 1 hide less 1 virgate; but from the 
particulars furnished by the Exeter Domesday, which give 
the lordship as 2 virgates, the village land as 1J virgates, 
it is clear that the scribe ought to have written 1 hide 
less £ virgate. 

It is not difficult to show that Richard Fitz Turold held 
sufficient estates in Heytor Hundred to account for an exemp- 
tion of 1 hide, provided they were all held by baronial tenure, 
and were not subordinate to other baronial estates. Wood- 
huish, in Brixham (No. 927, p. 893), assessed at 1 hide, and 
Notsworthy, in Widdicombe-in-the-Moor (No. 928, p. 893), 
assessed at 1 ferling, he held direct under the King. He 
also held St. Mary Church (No. 359, p. 337), assessed at 
1 hide, under the Earl of Mortain and Sparkwell, in 
Staverton (No. 575, p. 547), assessed at £ hide, under 
Baldwin. As regards the first-named estates, the Exeter 
book does not contain particulars as to the amount in the 


88 Among errors in the Domesday text, to which attention may be drawn, 
are: (1) Under Liege (No. 270, p. 243), instead of "Terra est 1 carucae," 
we must read, with the Exeter Book, "Terra est x. carucis." (2) Under 
Madford (No. 373, p. 351), instead of " Geldabat pro una virgate," we should 
read, "pro dimidia virgata." For, according to the Exeter Book, 1 ferling 
was in lordship, and the villagers had 1 ferling, making together 2 ferlings, 
or £ virgate. From the list of particulars of the King's Ex minster (No. 5, 
p. 6) it appears also that 

The King had . . . .003 ferlings, 


The Villagers 
William de Ou 
Battle Abbey 
Leaving unaccounted for 




The J virgate unaccounted for is then, most probably, the } virgate of 
Madford. (3) Under Selingeforde (No. 712, p. 681) the villagers are said 
to have 1 hide, whereas it should be & hide. For William Capra, according 
to the Exeter Book, had 1 hide, 1 virgate, in the lordship there, and the total 
assessment was 1 hide, 3 virgates, leaving only 2 virgates, or i hide, for 
the villagers. That the mistake lies in the villagers', and not in the lord's 
assessment, may be shown, because William Capra is said in the Geldroll 
(p. xxxvii.) to have 1 hide, 3 virgates, 1 ferling, exempt in Exminster 
Hundred, and the only estates held by William Capra in Exminster Hundred 
are : 

Selingeforde, assessed at 1 8 of which 1 1 in the lordship. 

Exminster ,, 100 ,, 020 „ 

Matford „ 2 „ 14 


Total in the lordships 1 3 14 

It appears also that a few errors have crept in in transcribing the 
Ansociation's Domesday, such as, Lwis (No. 1114, p. 1061) for I wis, Lweslei 
(No. 856, p. 823) for lweslei, Ludeford (No. 1181, p. 1119) for Judeford, 
Orescane (No. 971, p. 931) for Orescome. 


lordship and the amount held by the villagers respectively, 
but we may assume that the amount in the lordship was 
at least 1 virgate. At St Mary Church, as we learn from 
the Exeter book, the lordship included 2 virgates; at Spark- 
well, 1 virgate. We can therefore account for 4 virgates, or 
1 hide of lordship, amongst the four estates. For all that, it 
may be doubted whether Richard Fitz Turold had any 
baronial estate, except as under-tenant. Probably Woodhuish 
was a dependency of St. Mary Church; 86 Sparkwell of 
Staverton, and Noteworthy a thane's land. St Mary 
Church remains, and there the lordship was 2 virgates, or 
i hida 

With greater certainty it may be stated that the Abbot of 
Tavistock had only £ hide, and not 1 hide, exempt in Heytor 
Hundred. For the Abbey had only two holdings in that 
Hundred. One of these, Denbury (No. 272, p. 245), was 
assessed at \ hide, and the Abbot's lordship there amounted 
to \ virgate. The other, Welle, or Coffinswell (No. 273, 
p. 247),^ was assessed at 2 hides, but only \ hide was there 
in lordship. Had the Abbot been allowed exemption in 

M Under Fees held of the King, (24 Ed. I., a.d. 1295) in the Hundred of 
Haytor appears the following (in C. Devon's MS., 24,770 in Brit Mas., 
p. 209) : "John de Cirencester holds Woodhywis for \ fee of St. Mary Church 
of the fee of William de Cirencester. And the s d William holds St. Mary 
Church with Woodhywis and Hoston, which is in the Hundred of 
Stan borough, for 1 fee of Oliver de Dinham as of his honour of Cardinan 
in fee Moreton. And the same Oliver holds of the Earl of Cornwall by 
the same service, and the Earl of the King." 

91 The Abbot of Tavistock's Welle (No. 273, p. 247) cannot be Morwell in 
Milton Abbot, (1) because had Welle lain in Tavistock Hundred it would 
have been enumerated after Tavistock, Lege, Lideltone, and other places 
in Tavistock Hundred ; (2) because Morwell is a sub-manor under Tavistock, 
and included under the Tavistock of Domesday, and (3) because unless Welle 
is placed in Heytor Hundred there is no estate belonging to the Abbey 
which can account for the Abbot's exempt lordship in Heytor Hundred. 
(p. xl.) 

Similarly it may be shewn that Ralph Paganel's Welle (No. 944, p. 907) 
must also have lain in Heytor Hundred. For Ralph Paganel was allowed 
exemptions for 1 virgate in Hai ridge Hundred, for 1 hide in Won ford 
Hundred, for 1 hide in Teignbridge Hundred, and for 1 hide in Heytor 
Hundred. His Domesday holdings, which must represent these, are 
Dunchideock, in Exminster Hundred, assessed at 1 hide, of which i hide 
was in the lordship ; Carsewelle, assessed at 2 hides, of which \ hide was in 
the lordship ; Aire, assessed at 1 hide, of which 1 virgate was in the 
lordship ; Tnrowleiffh, in Won ford Hundred, assessed at 1 hide, of which 1 
virgate was in the lordship ; Chagford, in Wonford Hundred, assessed at 
\ hide, of which £ hide was in the lordship ; Ilsington, in Teignbridge 
Hundred, assessed at 2 hides, of which $ hide was in the lordship ; Ingsdon, 
in Te Urn bridge Hundred, assessed at 2 hides, of which £ hide was in 
the lordship ; West Exe, in Tiverton Hundred, assessed at 1 virgate ; Wash- 
field, assessed at 1 virgate, and Wille assessed at 2 hides, of which 1 hide 
was in the lordship. Of these places, either Carsewelle (Keshill), or Aire, or 


respect of both, it could not have exceeded 2 virgates, 2 
ferlings. We may safely conclude that the Abbot was 
only allowed exemption in respect of Coffiinswell, and that 
Denbury was a subordinate estate. 

Mr. Brooking Eowe also suggests an error in North 
Tawton Hundred (p. xxiii.). This, however, will, I believe, 
turn out to be imaginary. For the 1 hide from which 
Walter, the man of Walter de Clavil received the King's 
geld, and failed to account for 12d. of it, was not an 
additional hide, but one of the 33£ hides on which the 
King's geld had been paid by those liable to pay it, and one 

both most be in Hairidge Hundred, and Wille must be in Heytor Hundred. 
Otherwise, Ralph's holdings in these two Hundreds would remain unac- 
counted for. 

Welle, or Wille, appears to have been the name of a district rather than 
a place, and is not con6ned to these two estates. There are also two Cars 
Will es, and one Well boro', or Whil bo rough, in the district The Abbot of 
Tavistock's Welle had an extent of 824 acres, Ralph Paganel's Wille an 
extent of 598. The present area of Coffinswell and Daccombe, which 
represents one of these, is 1126 acres, that of Edginswell, together with 
Shiphay and Welles Barton, about the same. 

In Burton's list of fees, a.d. 1302, in MS. 28,649, under Haytor Hundred, 
is the additional entry made by Burton himself [No. 177] : " It is found by 
inquisition returned from the Exchequer of our Lord the King that 
Eggersvil is held of the honour of Plyuiton, which John Ferrers now holds 
by service of half a fee, which was concealed in the inquisition." In 
Charles Devon's MS., 24,770, p. 272, Register of the fees of Hugh 
Courtoey, 4 Ed. II. i.e., 1310 A.D., under the Hundred of Heytor, is 
the following : 

"Eggeneswell & Odeknoll which John de Ferrers & Reginald de 
Remmesbiry hold [1 fee]." 

In Prince's MS., 28,649, p. 485 (252), occur the following notices, which 
shew that Coffinswell was held by the Abbot of Torre, of the Abbey of 
Tavistock, through various mesne lords, of which the Spekes were ooe. (1) 
" In the 30th year of King Henry son of King John [i.<?., a.d. 1245] the 
Abbot of Tavistock, by reason of the minority of Richard le Speke took 
a relief after the death of Jordan Daccumb " [of Daccumb and Wille]. (2) 
" Richard de Espeke to all, &c. Know ye that I have granted to Osbert 
Probus and Michael his brother the land which their father held of me 
in Daccumb and Will, and I will that Michael and his heirs shall hold 
it of me by service of 2 knights ... as peaceably as his brother William 
held it on the day when he set forth for Jerusalem." (3) " Summary of an 
instrument whereby William le Espeke lord of Wem worthy binds himself 
under a penalty of £30 to confirm this grant." (4) Summary of an 
instrument whereby Stephen de Baucen grants Wells Coffin to Thor Abbey 
which he held by grant of Jordan de Daccomb ; and of another whereby 
Jordan de Daccumb grants Daccumb to the same Abbey." On p. 487 (253) 
other instruments are extracted : (5) " Extract of pleas of new disseisin in 
the second year of King Edward the son of Edward, i.e., a.d. 1308, between 
Robert de Scobhul and Roger de le Hull, heirs of Robert Coffin, lord of 
Wells Coffin plaintiff and the Abbot of Thor defendant concerning the 
whole manor of Wells Coffin in which by the good offices of friends the 
afore8 d abbot renounces all his right in the said manor to the said heirs " ; 
and (6), "Summary of a grant of Wells to Thorr Abbey by Margaret daur. 


of the intermediaries had intercepted 12d. in transit to the 

In the case of Plympton Hundred there is, again, a mistake 
somewhere. Probably the sum total of the Hundred assess- 
ment is correctly stated, but in giving the details the scribe 
has omitted some estate on which \ virgate was unpaid. 
Perhaps William was in arrear on the \ virgate of Waliforde 
(No. 688, p. 657) which he held under Judhel. Instances 
of such omissions occur in other Hundreds, but they have 
generally been inserted afterwards as interlineations. 

In Wonford Hundred there is an ambiguous interlineation : 
" And for one hide for which Roger Fitz Pagan paid his geld 
in another Hundred, the King has the same geld in his 
exchequer at Winchester." Does this mean that Roger Fitz 
Pagan had a hide in Wonford Hundred for which he paid 
geld elsewhere ? Or that he had a hide elsewhere for which 
he paid geld in Wonford Hundred ? 

The Geldroll gives 24 hides and 2 ferlings as the total 
of the lordships exempt from payment in Wonford Hundred. 
If we ignore Roger Fitz Pagan's hide, this amount exactly 
tallies with the particulars. On this ground I should be 
disposed to conclude that Roger Fitz Pagan's hide did not 
lie in Wonford Hundred. 

But there are stronger reasons. If Roger Fitz Pagan's 
hide lay in Wonford Hundred, and was paid for in some 
other Hundred, how comes it that this fact is not mentioned 
in the accounts of the other Hundred ? Why should it be 
mentioned in the accounts of Wonford Hundred ? 

Again, if Roger Fitz Pagan's hide lay in Wonford Hundred, 
we ought to be able to identify it there. But how stand the 
facts ? In Domesday only three estates appear to have been 
held by anyone of the name of Roger in Wonford Hundred. 
One was Huxhani (No. 977, p. 939), held by Roger under 
Ralph de Pomeray. This was assessed at Z\ virgates, of 
which \\ were in the lordship. Who this Roger was we are 
not told, but certain it is that Roger Fitz Pagan did hold in 
another Hundred, that of Exminster, the estate of Peamore 
(No. 959, p. 921), under Ralph de Pomeray. Another was 
Hobbin, in East Ogwell (No. 1179, p. 1117), which a 
Koger, who is called Roger the Stinger (aculeus), held under 
Nicolas. This was assessed at 1 virgate. A third was 
Bagtor, in Christow (No. 1180, p. 1119), which the same 
Roger the Stinger also held under Nicolas. The extent of 
the lord's assessment at Hobbin is not stated. At Bagtor it 
is given as 1 ferling. Probably it was the same at Hobbin. 


Now since the Geldroll definitely states that Roger, whom 
it calls the Sandy (flavus), and distinguishes from Roger 
Fitz Pagan, had 2 virgates exempt lordship in Wonford 
Hundred, which neither the 1} virgates of Huxham alone, 
nor the 2 ferlings of Hobbin and Bagtor alone can account 
for, but which exactly tallies with the amount of the lord- 
ship in the three holdings taken together, it follows that Roger 
the Sandy and Roger the Stinger are one and the same 
person, that he was a different person from Roger Fitz Pagan, 
that he must have held all three of the estates named, and 
that there is no estate left in Wonford Hundred which Roger 
Fitz Pagan can have held. 

The other alternative remains, according to which Roger 
Fitz Pagan's hide lay in some other Hundred, and he paid 
his geld for it to the King in Wonford Hundred. This 
alternative is also borne out by the Domesday record, in 
which it is stated that Roger Fitz Pagan holds Hanoch (No. 
568, p. 541) in Teignbridge Hundred under Baldwin, and 
that this estate was assessed in King Edward's time at 1 
hide. All, then, that the interlined words introduced among 
the exempt lands seem intended to convey is that on paying 
in Wonford Hundred for 1 hide belonging to Teignbridge 
Hundred, Roger Fitz Pagan had claimed the allowance to 
which he was entitled in that Hundred. The sum total of 
the paying and non- paying lands in Wonford Hundred 
appears thus to have been 53£ hides, which, if we substitute 
for 54, take 24£ hides for Bampton Hundred instead of 25, 
and otherwise add up the totals as given in the Geldroll, we 
obtain 1027£ hides as the total number for the whole county. 

Before leaving that part of the Geldroll which deals with 
Wonford Hundred, may I be permitted to draw attention to 
an error which the translation of the last sentence might 
seem to convey? The sentence as translated runs: "And 
from the 3 hides, and 1 virgate, and 1 ferling from which 
the Fegadri say that they received 20s. from William Hostio 
and Radulf de Pomeroy, and set them free from the 
obligation of carrying the geld to the King's Exchequer at 
Winchester, the King has no geld." I would rather it had 
been rendered : " And from 3 hides, 1 virgate, and 1 ferling 
as to which the fee-gatherers say that they received the King's 
pence — (the word denarios is used because the exact sum was 
19s. 10 £d. — 20s. is only a rough interlineation) — and delivered 
the same to William the Seneschal and Ralph de Pomeray, 
who were under obligation to pay it in at the King's treasury 
in Winchester, the King has not his geld." The former 


translation seems to imply that William the Seneschal 
(hostiarius, le Dispenser of later times) and Ealph de 
Pomeray paid geld on 3 hides, 1 virgate, 1 ferling in 
Wonford Hundred, whereas as a matter of fact they had no 
such amount in that Hundred either jointly or severally. 
William the Seneschal had nothing in that Hundred. Ralph 
de Pomeray 's holdings were confined to three estates, viz, 
East Ogwell (No. 975, 935) paying for 3 virgates, another 
estate in East Ogwell (No. 976, p. 937) paying for 2 virgates, 
and Huxham (No. 977, p. 939), which was held under him 
by Roger the Stinger, these three together only paying for 
1 hide, 1 virgate. What the words are really intended to con- 
vey is that William the Seneschal and Ralph de Pomeray, who 
were under obligation to transmit the King's geld on certain 
estates to Winchester, had failed to pay in 19s. 10£d. The 
fee-gatherers had paid it over to them, but they were in default. 

B. Let us see, now, the figures in Domesday. If we 
assume all the hides enumerated in Domesday in the county 
to be co-ordinate, and add them together, we shall find that 
they number close upon 1140. Besides these there are four 
unhidated estates, viz., Axminster, Axmouth, Silverton, and 
Bampton, but these are not included in the Geldroll. If 
obvious re-duplications such as Newton St Cyres, first 
enumerated as held of the bishop (No. 105, p. 99), and then 
as held of the King (p. 1179) ; Clavil's Iweslie (No. 856, 
p. 823), which was part of the King's Edeslege (No. 90, 
p. 85) ; Lob twice mentioned (No. 9, p. 9, and No. 489, 
p. 461) ; and Sedeborge, also twice mentioned (No. 439, 
p. 413 and 1179), are left out of consideration, the total 
number of hides is reduced to 1135 hides, 2i ferlings— an 
amount which is some 10 per cent, in excess of the 1027£ 
hides according to the summary in the Geldroll. 

The discrepancy appears still greater if we compare the 
King's Domesday Estates with the King's exempt lordships 
as enumerated in the Geldroll. 38 The latter make up a total 

* It may be here observed that the fact of the King's having a certain 
amount of exempt lordship in any Hundred is by no means evidence that 
the estates in respect of which the exemption was allowed were actually in 
the King's hand at the time of the Domesday Survey. For the King had 
no hidated estate in Axmouth Hundred at the time of the Survey, yet he 
was allowed an exemption for 1 hide in the Geldroll. In Budleigh Hundred 
the assessment of his estates amounted to 13$ hides, yet he was allowed 14 
hides for his lordships only in that Hundred. In Hemyock Hundred the 
assessment on the King's estates amounted to 2\ virgates, yet he was allowed 
8J virgates for his lordships. In Lifton Hundred the assessment on his 
estates amounts to 4 hide, yet he was allowed S hides for his lordships. 
In Witherid^e Hundred, his assessment amounted to 1} virgates, yet he was 
allowed 3} hides for his lordships. 


of 141 bides, 2 virgates, 3 ferlings, the King having exempt 
lordships in every Hundred except Crediton, Uffculm, and 
Ottery. On the other hand, the sum total of the hides held 
by the King, as given in Domesday, is 164 hides, 2 ferlings, 
independently of the Church lands on his estates at Colyton 
(No. 23, p. 21), Plympton (No. 29, p. 25), Yealmpton (No. 
31, p. 27), Woodbury (No. 51, p. 45), and Pinhoe (No. 77, 
p. 71), and the added or dependent estates at Witheridge 
(No. 49, p. 43), King's Nympton (No. 75, p. 69), Sherford 
(No. 53, p. 49), Blackpol (No. 65, p. 59), Boystock (No. 71, 
p. 65), Irishcombe (No. 96, p. 89), and Ash (No. 45, p. 41), 
i.e. 16 per cent, in excess of the total of the Geldroil. Of 
this total number of hides, 47 hides, 1 virgate, and £ ferling, 
are stated in Domesday to be the assessment of the King's 
lordships; 109 hides, 1 virgate, 1£ ferlings, the assessment 
of his villagers ; the remaining 7£ hides are either not 
specially allotted between the lordship and the village, or not 
specially accounted for. And here it is a remarkable fact, 
whatever construction we may put upon it, or whatever 
inference we may draw from it, that if the 109 hides, 1 
virgate, If ferlings, which constitute the assessment upon 
the King's villagers are deducted from the 1135 hides, 2J 
ferlings which is the sum total of the hides in the county 
of Devon, treating them all as co-ordinate, the remainder 
1025 hides, 3 virgates, $ ferlings, suspiciously approximates 
to the 1027J hides of the Geldroil. It looks as though the 
Domesday total exceeded the Geldroil total just by the 
amount of assessment on the King's villagers. 


Mr. Eyton has already noticed a discrepancy between the 
two records in the case of Dorset ; but from his observations 
the discrepancy cannot be nearly so great in Dorset as in 
Devon. To explain it, he makes two suggestions. (1) He 
suggests that the assessment may have been sometimes 
increased since the time of the Geldroil. (2) He thinks 
that several estates may be enumerated in the Domesday 
Survey which had hitherto escaped notice. 

1. So far as Devonshire is concerned, neither of these 
explanations seems satisfactory. It goes without dispute 
that many estates had increased or decreased in value since 
King Edward's death, and the Domesday record constantly 
says, " It was worth so much," " It is worth so much now." 
But variations in value since King Edward's time do not 
necessarily involve variations in assessment either before or 


after that time. Variable as the assessment may have been 
once upon a time, apparently, so far as Devonshire is con- 
cerned, the assessment had become fixed and stereotyped 
neally two centuries before King Edward's time. The small 
subdivisions of the assessment- units in this county, and 
their distribution among the several estates in small fractions 
are simply inexplicable, except on the hypothesis that the 
number of assessment-units was fixed and determined when 
only a small number of Saxon homesteads existed in the 
county. This hypothesis will also explain why the hides in 
this county are so few, and in others so many. 89 In some 
counties, no doubt, the number of hides upon which estates 
paid geld was extensively altered after the Conquest, 
generally by way of decrease, not of increase, 40 but then the 
alteration is mentioned in Domesday. The Devonshire 
Domesday does not, however, purport to give the assess- 
ment in 1086, but that in 1066, "on the day on which King 
Edward was alive and dead"; and, with one exception, it 
mentions no change since. That exception is Mock ham, in 
Charles (No. 480, p. 453), as to which the record runs: 
" Mogescome, in King Edward's time, discharged itself in 
the matter of geld, along with the last -mentioned estate 
[i.e. Charles], by paying for 1 virgate of land; now they 
are reckoned as 2 virgates." This entry is quite unique in 
Devonshire, and probably only records some shifting of 
liability from one estate to another, not an increase in 
the total number of assessment-units. Had such changes 

w To compare two parishes of about the same size. Sparsholt, in Berks, 
contains 5844 acres, and six estates in it are mentioned in Domesday. The 
KiDg had one estate of 1084 acres assessed at 16 hides, another estate of 
1500 acres assessed at 10 hides. The Abbey of Abingdon had a third of 450 
acres assessed at 10 hides. Henry de Ferrers had two estates, one of 100 
acres, assessed at 1J hides, the other of 203 acres, assessed at 3| hides. 
Lastly, Hascoit Musard had an estate of 400 acres, assessed at 2 hides. Two- 
thirds of the parish are here accounted for, and the assessment upon them is 
42| hides. Compare with this Woodbury, in Devon, which contains 5003 
acres, and has three estates mentioned in Domesday. The King has one of 
3890 acres assessed at 10 hides, Harvei de H el ion's wife another of 734 acres 
assessed at 1 hide, 2 virgates, 2£ ferlings, and Donne a third of 609 acres 
assessed at 1J hides. The whole parish is here accounted for, and the assess- 
ment upon it is 13 hides, 2 J ferlings. And yet, for Devonshire, the assessment 
of Woodbury is very high. See note 24. 

40 The following instances are taken at haphazard from the Berkshire 
Domesday. Gainge (No. 82, p. viii.), in King Edward's time, discharged 
itself by paying for 10 hides, now for 2 hides and 1 virgate. Becot (No. 97, 
p. ix.), in King Edward's time, for 5 hides, now for 2 hides, 4 acres. Henley 
(No. 97, p. ix.), in King Edward's time, for 6 hides, now for 2. Whiteham 
(No. 108, p. ix.), in King Edward's time, for 20 hides, now for 13 hides, 1 



been made, it is inconceivable that they should not have 
been mentioned in this, as in other counties. 

2. The same expression, " This estate paid for so much on 
the day on which King Edward was alive and dead," also 
excludes the theory that in Domesday many estates are 
brought into account which had previously escaped notice. 41 
A few estates may, indeed, be found in which hides and 
virgates are mentioned without the words that this was the 
amount of their assessment "in King Edward's time." These 
words may have been omitted intentionally in those cases, or 
only by accident Suppose we exclude them from our 
calculations, there will still remain, if we treat all the hides 
enumerated as co-ordinate, some 1130 hides which are said 
to have paid geld in King Edward's time, whereas from the 
Geldroll there appear to have been fewer than 1030 pay- 
ing, or excused from paying, in the county. 

3. The conclusion which suggests itself from the above is 
that the hides enumerated in Domesday are not all 
co-ordinate, but that the hides are often enumerated twice 
over; first as the assessment of some subordinate estate, 
and then included in the assessment of the chief estate 
to which it was subordinate; in short, that when an estate 
was held of another, and the payment of the King's geld 
was made through another estate, the amount of the assess- 
ment charged upon the dependent estate is not additional to, 
but included in, that of the chief estate. I proceed to give 
some instances in support of this conclusion : — 

A. Passages in the Exeter Book shew that, in some cases 
of tenure by Knight-service, the assessment of the sub- 
ordinate estate is given over again, after being already 
included in the total of the chief estate. "The Abbot of 
Tavistock," it runs (No. 253, p. 228), " has an estate called 
Tavistock, which in King Edward's time paid geld for 
3£ hides. . . . Thereof the Abbot has \ hide in the lordship, 
and the villagers have \\ hides." This accounts for 2 hides 
out of 3 \. It then continues : " Of these 3 \ hides, 6 

41 I very much doubt whether the dependency of Eastleigh (No. 711] 
p. 681), the land of William Capra, can be said to have escaped notice before, 
as to which Domesday has the following: "To this estate [viz. Eastleigh, 
belongs half a virgate of land, and it is concealed so that the King has no 
geld Iroin it." The words rather imply that it did pay geld in King 
Edward's time, but not at the time of the Domesday Survey, because it 
could not be identified. William Capra's exemption in Freroington Hundred 
(xvi.) is made up as follows: In respect of Huniseue (No. 709, p. 678) 1 
virgate ; in respect of Lei {Eastleigh^ No. 710, p. 680) 4 virgate ; in respect 
of the lost land the whole assessment (No. 711, p. 680) \ virgate. Total — 
2 virgates. 


military tenants hold 1J hides," the particulars of which 
follow. From this statement we see that 6 military tenants, 
in the quantities enumerated, held the 1£ hides before 
unaccounted for. Their assessment is therefore unquestion- 
ably included in the assessment of the chief estate. There 
is no indication of this in the Exchequer Domesday. 

Again, the Exeter Book says : " The Abbot has an estate 
called Hatherleigh (No. 258, p. 235) which, in King 
Edward's time, paid for 3 hides. . . . Thereof the Abbot has 
in the lordship £ hide . . . and the villagers H hides." 
Thus 2 hides out of the 3 are accounted for. It continues : 
"Of this land Nigel holds £ virgate less \ ferling, Walter 
2 J virgates, Goisfrid \ virgate and £ ferling, Balph £ virgate." 
These subordinate holdings amount exactly to 1 hide, not 
an additional hide, but a hide already included in the 3 hides 
of the chief estate. 42 

Battery, again (No. 769, p. 737), is stated to pay for 3 
hides, but when the particulars are looked at in the Exeter 
Book, it appears that William de Faleise himself only paid 
for 1 hide, and his villagers for 1 hide, 1£ virgates. Two and 
a half virgates are thus not accounted for. "There," con- 
tinues the Exeter Book, " 2 military tenants have a virgate 
and a half. . . . And a certain Englishman holds thereof 1 
virgate, which he himself held on the day on which King 
Edward was alive and dead." The assessment on these 
subordinate holdings together amounts exactly to the miss- 
ing quantity, and is therefore already included in the 
assessment of the chief estate. 

B. If estates held by military service are thus found 
included in the assessment of the chief estate, much more so 
is this the case with estates held in free socage, or in 
perpetual farm. 43 The clearest instance of such inclusion 

42 It seems probable that although the phrase " held of this estate " means 
included in its assessment, it does not mean included in the acreage given of 
it No doubt, at Tavistock, where there was sufficient land for 40 ploughs, 
and the Abbot had only 5, and his villagers 14, there was plenty of room in 
the area so described for the 6 ploughs of the military tenants. Still, it 
must be remembered that the area of Tavistock is described as only 5256 acres, 
whereas the parish contains 13,982 acres. It is, therefore, more probable that 
the estates of the military tenants lay outside the 5256, which constituted 
the agricultural-unit of the Abbey, and formed separate agricultural-units by 
themselves. The existence of four subordinate manors within the parish — 
those of Morwell, Ogbear, Passmore, and Blanchdown — confirms this view. 
These probably represent the holdings of some of the thanes to whom the 
six military tenants succeeded. Wick Dabernon is probably the land of 
another. ' 

49 In Oliver's Afonastiton, p. 156, the Abbey of Bee granted Christow to 
St Andrew's Priory in perpetual farm. 

o 2 


will be found in Odo Fitz-Gamelin's estate of Toritone 
(No. 1117, p 1063). That Odo Fitz-Gamelin's Toritone 
most be Great Torington in Fremington Hundred, can, I 
think, be proved beyond dispute by the following con- 
siderations: (1) The Hundred Rolls group together as 
contributories to Fremington Hundred, Great Torington, 
and Iittlewear, and in Domesday Littlewear is said to be 
appurtenant 44 to Odo's Toritone. (2) We know from the Geld- 
roll (p. xvi.) that Odo Fitz-Gamelin had an exempt lordship 
of 3 virgates in Fremington Hundred, and that his villagers 
were in arrear on 1 hide in the same Hundred. Both of 
these statements agree with the particulars of Odo's Toritone 
as given in the Exeter Book, and are not fulfilled by any 
other estate which Odo appears possessed of in Domesday. 

The estate of Toritone was a large one, containing some 
4560 acres. It included not only the present parish of Great 
Torington (the acreage of which is 3-456), but also the 
greater part of St. Giles'-in-the-Wood (the acreage of which 
is 4827). The assessment on this estate and its depen- 
dencies was 3A hides. Thereof, the Exeter Book informs us, 
" Odo has 3 virgates in the lordship, and the villagers have 
2 hides," so that 2\ hides are thus accounted for, and 3 
virgates left unaccounted for. It continues : " Of the aforesaid 
3£ hides, 3 franklings have 3 virgates. Goscelm holds one of 
these virgates, and it is worth 15s. a year; Walter another, 
and it is worth 15s. ; and Ansger a third, and it is also 
worth 15s." 

44 Mr. King, in Trans, vii. 37, and Mr. Davidson, in Trans, viii. 399, 
have sufficiently shewn that Toritone is the tun on the Tone (pronounced 
Toridge). Domesday enumerates several Toritones, and also one Toridge-hayes 
(Torsewis). In the rendering of Adjacet the translators seem to have taken 
considerable liberty. Under Tiverton (p. xxv.) and South Tawton (No. 44, 
p. 41) they have rendered it " Is adjacent." Under Slapeford (No. 96, p. 84) 
** Is annexed to." and the same rendering is used in regard to a fishery at 
Sideford (No. 87, p. 81). Under Seteborge (No. 439, p. 413) and Kenn 
(No. 464, p. 439) it appears as " Was joined to," ana under Scobecome 
(No. 1132, p. 1073) as " Lay adjoining. 11 None of these renderings seem to 
give the real meaning of the word. It cannot mean " Is adjacent to " ; for 
the burgesses of Exeter were not adjacent to Kenn. Neither is Scobecome 
adjacent to Broadhembury, whether we identify it with Shapcombe, in 
Luppitt, or, as seems more probable, with the Combe of many names — 
Combe Raleigh. Nor is Irisncombe, which lies near Meshaw, adjacent to 
Lapford. The technical meaning of Adjacet is, to use an expression of the 
Exeter Book, " lying in another estate " for purposes of jurisdiction and 
assessment but not geographically, i.e. forming part of the tithing or unit 
responsible for the King's peace, without being part of the township or ham 
which constituted the agricultural-unit. With regard to Combe Raleigh, 
Prebendary Hingeston- Randolph informs me that, in addition to its other 
names, Combe Coffin, Combe Baunton, Combe next Honiton, it is also called 
Byschopscombe, of which Scobecome may be an abbreviation. 


If we now turn to Domesday, we find that Goscelm holds 
Dodecote (Dodscot in St. Giles', No. 870, p. 839), which is 
assessed at 1 virgate, and stated to be worth 15s. We have 
therefore, in Dodscot, Goscelm's 1 virgate held of Odo's 
estate of Great Torington. Similarly, Walter de Clavil 
holds Instow (No. 860, p. 827), an estate assessed at 1 
virgate, and worth 15s. We have, therefore, in Instow, 
not far from Great Torington, and in the same Hundred, 
Walter's 1 virgate, held of Odo's estate of Great Torington. 
Lastly, Ansger de Montacute (or, as he is elsewhere called, 
Ansger de Pont Senard) holds Toritone (No. 1102, p. 1049), 
an estate 1 virgate in extent, and valued at 15s. We 
have, therefore, in Toritone — which, if it is not in Little 
Torington, may be Kingscot in St. Giles', since it lies on 
the Torridge — Ansger's 1 virgate held of Odo's estate of 
Great Torington. 46 The 3 virgates of these 3 estates appear, 
therefore, twice over in Domesday, first as forming part of the 
assessment of Odo's Toritone, and then separately under the 
names of their respective holders. 

This is, perhaps, the clearest entry. There are, however, 
a number of cases in which the amount held in the lordship 
and the amount held by the villagers, when added together, 
do not exhaust the total of the assessment. In these cases 
we may, I think, well infer that the missing amount repre- 
sents some smaller estate held of the chief estate in perpetual 
farm. Unless, therefore, the missing amount is deducted 
from the assessment of the chief estate, when adding up the 
totals, the assessment of the smaller estate will be reckoned 
twice over. For instance, North Lew (No. 83, p. 77) is said 
to be assessed at 1 hide, 1 virgate, and 1 ferling, whereof, 
as the Exeter Book informs us, the King has 1 virgate in 
his lordship, and the villagers have 1 hide. One ferling is 
thus left unaccounted for. The text does not continue as it 

48 We have thus Great Torington (No. 1117, p. 1063) containing 4560 acres. 

Dodscote (No. 870, p. 839) containing 176 ,, 

Possibly Kingscot (Toritone, No. 1102, p. 1049) containing 204 „ 

Littlewear (No. 1116, p. 1063) containing 404 „ 


to represent the two parishes of Great Torington and St Giles'-in-the-Wood, 
containing together 8283 acres. According to Dr. Colby, in Trans, vii. 92 St. 
Giles 1 Chnrch was built in 1309, the whole district having been previously 
included in Torington. Ansger is called Ansger de Pont Senard, in the 
Geldroll. p. xxil, and that this is the same person as Ansger de Montacute 
is proved by the entry among the terra oecupatae in the Exeter Domesday : 
u Ansger de Senarpont holds Chadeledon " (No. 1104, p. 1051), to which 
another Chadeledon has been added. He is also called Ansger the Briton 
(No. 323 p. 300). 


well might have done : " Of the land of this estate Baldwin 
holds 1 ferling, and it is worth 5s., and Bernard holds it 
of Baldwin." For we know from another place in Domesday 
that Gorhuish, or as we should now call it, Gorse hayes (No. 
430, p. 403), which lies in North Lew parish, was held by 
Bernard under Baldwin, and that it was assessed at 1 ferling. 
Can we then be wrong in finding the missing ferling in 
Gorhuish ? If, so the assessment of Gorhuish appears twice 
over in Domesday. 

Under North Tawton Hundred, the Geldroll (p. xxiii.) 
informs us that " for half a hide, which lies in the Manor 
of Winkleigh, the King had no geld." Where was this half 
hide ? Domesday mentions two estates at Leusdon, within 
the parish of Winkleigh, one held by Walter de Clavil (No. 
859, p. 825), assessed at half a hide ; the other held by 
Goscelm (No. 872, p. 841), also assessed at half a hide. The 
latter of these estates is probably the one referred to. The 
assessment of the whole Manor of Winkleigh has been 
already given (No. 92, p. 85). If we, then, treat the assess- 
ment of Leusdon as though it were co-ordinate, we get that 
assessment reckoned twice over. Possibly the same is true 
of Walter de ClaviTs Leusdon. 

Again, Ashcombe (No. 957, p. 919), together with three 
other thanes' estates in Exminster Hundred, is stated in 
Domesday to be assessed at 2 hides. Thereof, as the Exeter 
Book informs us, £ hide was in the lordship, the villagers 
had \ hide, leaving 1 hide unaccounted for. Three virgates 
of this 1 hide seem to be represented by the estates of Hole- 
come (No. 958, p. 921) ™ Peamore (No. 959, p. 921), and 

46 Dr. Lake, in Trans, vi. 381, states that a portion of the Den at Teign- 
mouth, which he distinguishes from the Manor of Teign mouth Courtney, 
was held by the Courtneys as part of their Manor of Kenton. Mr. David- 
son, in Tram. xiii. 14, repeats this on the authority of Dr. Lake, and 
(p. 130) identifies Holecome with Teignmouth Courtney. Dr. Lake had such 
opportunities of local knowledge, that one hesitates to question any state- 
ment made by him. Yet the language of Domesday seems to connect 
Holecome with Ashcombe, and the Survey of Kenton Manor makes no 
reference to any part of Teignmouth. Is it not possible that both Briinley 
and Teignmouth Courtney may be sub-manors of aftercreation, not 
mentioned in Domesday ? The point seems set at rest by the After Death 
Inquests of 1 Hen. VI No. 63, which, among the fees of ** Hugo Courtney 
qui obiit King Hen. IV." enumerate " Holcombe in Exminster. In Donn's 
map of Devon, published 1765, on a small stream in the southern part of 
Exminster appear the words "Old Saltworks." As the chief feature of 
this Domesday Holcombe was its salt-works (for its extent was only 100 acres), 
can there be a doubt that we have here in Exminster, rather than in 
Teignmouth or in Dawlish (correcting what has been said in Trans, xxvi. 
152), Hugh de Courtney's Holcombe in Exminster, and the Holecome of 
Domesday held by Pomeray ? 


Bowhays (No. 960, p. 921), all three within the parish of 
Exminster. The fourth virgate may possibly be Scapelie 
(No. 471, p. 445). But wherever it is placed, we have the 
assessment of these minor estates given twice over; first, 
when they are themselves described, and again in the 
description of the chief estate. 

Longford, in Collumpton (No. 508, p. 479), is in Domesday 
said to be assessed at 1 hide 3 virgates, of which, according 
to the Exeter Book, 3 virgates were in the lordship, and the 
villagers paid for three. One virgate is, therefore, left un- 
accounted for. If this, as seems probable, is the adjoining 
estate of Wide Heathfield (No. 345, p. 325) in Collumpton, 
held by Alured under the Earl of Mortain, the assessment of 
this estate also appears twice over. 

Bradninch (No. 736, p. 707) is described as having an 
assessment of 2\ hides, of which £-hide was in the lordship, 
and the villagers had \\ hides. Half a hide is, therefore, 
unaccounted for. If, as seems most likely, this \ hide is 
represented by Bernardesmore (No. 517, p. 487), an estate of 
312 acres, in Bradninch parish, held by Kogo under 
Baldwin, we have yet another instance of a twice-repeated 

Rashleigh (No. 337, p. 315) in the parish of Wemb- 
worthy is described as assessed at 2 virgates, of which 1 
ferling was in the lordship, and the villagers had 3 ferlings. 
One virgate is, therefore, left unaccounted for. This virgate 
seems to be Wembworthy (No. 336, p. 315). For these two 
estates were closely connected. The Exeter Book groups 
them together in the note which it appends : u These two 
barton lands were discharged (from servile duties) on the day 
on which King Edward was alive and dead." Unless we 
deduct from Bashleigh the 1 virgate which forms the 
assessment of Wembworthy, we have again the same 
assessment given twice over. 

Of one estate, that of Greenslade (No. 462, p. 437), in 
the parish of North Tawton, in which one-half of the total 
assessment is not accounted for, we are distinctly told what 
has become of it. Greenslade, says Domesday, paid for 
1 virgate, i.e. for 2 ferlings. The Exeter Book then tells 
us that \ ferling was in the lordship, and the villagers had 
A ferling. Thus 1 ferling is accounted for. What became of 
the other ferling ? "A moiety," it continues, " of the afore- 
said half virgate [i.e., 1 ferling] has been added to the King's 
lordship-barton of North Tawton." 

Northmolton (No. 42, p. 39) is, in Domesday, stated to 


pay for 1 hide, 2 virgates ; but when the particulars in the 
Exeter Book are referred to, the King, it is found, pays on 
the lordship for 1 virgate, and the villagers for 3& virgates. 
Only 1 hide and half a virgate are thus accounted for. Shall 
we be wrong if we find the missing \\ virgates in Polham 
(No. 1033, p. 993) assessed at 1 virgate, and Plantelie (No. 
1034, p. 993) assessed at \ virgate, both within the parish of 
Northmolton and held by Rainald, under Ruald Adobed? 
If so, unless we deduct 1£ virgates from the assessment of 
Northmolton before adding up the quantities, the assessment 
of these two estates will be found to have been enumerated 
twice over in Domesday, 

Again, South Tawton (No. 44, p. 41) is stated to be 
assessed at 3 hides 1 virgate, whereof the King has £ hide 
in the lordship, and the villagers 1£ hides and a ferling. 
Two hides 1 ferling are thus accounted for. One hide and 
3 ferlings remain unaccounted for. These will be found (1) 
in South Zeal (Donicestone, No. 375, p. 353) 47 assessed at 
3 virgates 2\ ferlings, and held by the Earl of Mortain ; and 
(2) in Shapley (No. 1153, p. 1093), assessed at 1 virgate 
1 ferling, and held by Girold, the Chaplain. The two 
together amount to 1 hide 3£ ferlings, which tallies within 
a fraction of a ferling with the missing quantity — and we 
have seen a fraction of a ferling disregarded in another case, 
that of Tavistock. 48 That South Zeal was held under 
South Tawton is natural enough. That Girold's Shapley 
was held under South Tawton, might seem a mere guess, 
were it not for the note appended to it in Domesday: 
" Shapley, rendered by custom to the lordship barton, which 
is called [South] Tawton 10s. ; but since Girold has held it, 
the King has not had his custom therefrom." 

Torintone, again (No. 440, p. 413), which from its position 
between Parkham and Heanton Satchville, it may be con- 

47 See Trans, xxvi. 163, for the identification of Donicestone. According 
to the After Death Inquests (48 Hen. III. p. 27), Roger de Thony died in 
1263 a.d., seized of Sutanton Manerium, Terra de la Sale. 

48 The details of the Military Tenants' Holdings are given under No. 253, 
p. 230, as follows : 



2 ferlings 



2 „ 




2J „ 





Ralph de la Tillaie . 


3 „ 



1 „ 

Total . . .12 0} 

Yet, in the text, it is described as one hide and a-half, the fraction being 


eluded, lay in Shebbear Hundred, and is, therefore, Little 
Torington — this is placed beyond dispute by the occurrence 
of Torington with other places in Shebbear Hundred 
among the fees of Hugh de Courtney {After Death Inquests, 
1 Hen. VI., No. 63) — is described as being assessed at 1 hide 
1 virgate. Thereof, as we learn from the Exeter Book, 1 
virgate was in the lordship, and the villagers had 3 virgates. 
This leaves 1 virgate unaccounted for. Shall we be wrong 
if we suppose this virgate to be represented by Frizenham in 
Little Torington (No. 344, p. 323), an estate of 321 J acres, 
which Aiured held under the Earl of Mortain, the Earl 
being the great land-grabber of village lands in this county I 40 
If so, we have again the assessment of Frizenham given 
twice over. 

Once more, Olvereworfc, or Woolfardisworthy (No. 1218, p. 
1153), in Hartland Hundred, held by Coluin, is stated to be 
assessed at half a hide, or 2 virgates. But when we look at 
the particulars, only 1 virgate is accounted for by Olvere- 
woril itself, 1 ferling being in the lordship, and 3 ferlings 
being held by the villagers. We must, therefore, look else- 
where for the missing virgate. From the Geldroll (p. xiv.), 
however, we learn that Coluin had an exemption of 2 ferlings 
in Hartland Hundred. It follows that the missing virgate 
must be looked for in some other estate, held by Coluin him- 
self, where also 1 ferling was in the lordship. Only three 
such places are mentioned in Domesday; for Ulvelie (No. 
447, p. 421) also held by Coluin under Baldwin is clearly 
in Shebbear Hundred. The three are Denes berge (No. 1219, 
p. 1153), which follows Olvereword, Han tone (No. 1222, 
p. 1155), which occurs a few entries later, and Almerescote 
(No. 1113, p. 1061), which Coluin held under Odo Fitz- 
Gamelin. The question is, which of these three lay in 
Hartland Hundred ? 

48 Under the King's estate of Ermyngton (No. 36, p. 31) appears this 
entry : " The Earl of Mortain's liegemen hold these [subordinate] lands, and 
they withhold the King's customs." Under Lifton (No. 39, p. 35) : " To 
this estate belonged 2 lands in King Edward's time ; the Earl of Mortain 
holds them." Under Werrington (No. 56, p. 51): " Of this land the fcarl 
of Mortain holds 4 hide, which in King Edward's time belonged there." 
Under Beer (No. 293, p. 265) : " From this estate has been niched 1 ferling 
of land and 4 salterns ; Drogo holds them of the Earl of Mortain." Under 
Dunsdon in Pancras-week (No. 949. p. 911): "From these 3 virgates 1 
virgate has been filched ; this the Earl of Mortain holds." Under Wear 
Giffard (No. 1021, p. 981) : " Of the same estate the Karl of Mortain holds 
1 virgate of land.' As appears from the Exeter Book, this £ virgate was 
part of the villagers' land. See also the case of Wide Heathfield, in 
Collampton, already mentioned. 


We may at once put Hantone aside, because, as Olvere- 
word lies in Hartland Hundred, we shall not be justified in 
placing Hantone in the same Hundred, unless all the in- 
tervening places, including Denesberge, lie in Hartland 
Hundred ; and we can certainly say that this is not the case, 
because Coluin had, according to the Geldroll (p. xviiL), a 
whole virgate exempt in Shebbear Hundred, towards which 
Alesland (No. 1220, p. 1155) supplies 2 ferlings, Hantone 
probably another ferling (although this is not definitely stated), 
and Uluelie the remaining ferling in Shebbear Hundred. 

Mr. Worth places Almerescote in Hartland Hundred by 
identifying it with Elmscot in Hartland, and Denesberge in 
Shebbear Hundred by identifying it with Dunsbere in 
Merton. The objections to these identifications are : (1) 
that they make the total assessment of the Hundred of 
Hartland fall short by 1 J, or at least by 1 virgate of the total 
amount stated in the Geldroll ; (2) that they place a burge, or 
berry, in the low-lying ground of Merton ; and (3) that they 
leave no estate to represent Odo's exemption in Hartland 
Hundred. 60 If we identify Denesberge with Tosberry in 
Hartland, or Ditchen Hills in Clovelly, both of which are in 
Hartland Hundred, and Almerescote with Alscot, a detached 
part of the parish of Langtree, in Shebbear Hundred, these 
objections are disposed of,*and Coluin's estates are so identi- 
fied as to account for his 2 ferlings exempt in Hartland 
Hundred, and his 1 virgate exempt in Shebbear Hundred. 
But whatsoever identification is adopted, the assessment of 
his second estate in Hartland Hundred is given twice over. 

Let us assume that our former identification was wrong, 
and that Almerescote lies in Hartland Hundred, and since 
Almerescote is assessed at only 1 virgate, let us suppose, to 
make up the quantity, that Ansgot's Ferlie (No. 1246, p. 
1177) assessed at \ virgate, is Velley in Hartland Hundred. 
In that case, (1) we shall still be 1 virgate short of the Hun- 
dred total, because the 1 virgate of Almerescote is already 
included in the \ hide of Olvereword. (2) We shall have no 
estate left in Hartland Hundred to represent the 1 virgate on 
which Odo himself was allowed exemption, and the \ virgate 
on which his villagers were in arrear in Hartland Hundred, 

50 The sequence of Odo Fitz-Gamelin's estates is as follows : " Staford (in 
Liftoo Hundred), Almerescote, Iwis (in Shebbear Hundred), Litelwere, Tori- 
tone (in Freraington Hundred), Bocheland, Willedene (in Braunton Hun- 
dred). In Trans, xxvi. 417, Bocheland has been identified with Beckland 
in Hartland Hundred, assessed at 1£ virgates. If we are right in so doing, 
Almerescote cannot lie also in Hartland Hundred, unless the intervening 
places lie there also, which is clearly not the case. 


because if Almerescote lies in Hartland Hundred, Bocheland 
cannot lie there also. The conclusion seems inevitable that 
Almerescote is in Shebbear, and Bocheland in Hartland 
Hundred. We have then 1 ferling the lordship of Olvereword, 
and 1 ferling the lordship of Denesberge, to account for 
Coluin's 2 ferlings exempt in Hartland Hundred; and we 
have the 2 ferlings of Hasland, the 1 ferling of West 
Heanton, and the 1 ferling of Uluelie to account for Coluin's 
1 virgate exempt in Shebbear Hundred. 

C. If we have found several instances of the assessment 
of estates held by knight-service being included in the 
assessment of the estates under which they were held, 
and more instances of the assessment of estates held in 
free socage, or in perpetual farm being given twice over, 
what shall we say in regard to estates actually carved out 
of village lands ? The assessment of these must, a fortiori, 
have been included in that of the chief estate. For a cotlif, 
barton-estate, or estate of bocland, as it existed in the tenth 
century, always consisted of two parts, and was not complete 
without both — one, the barton and home farm which belonged 
to the lordship, and was held by the lord or his farmer ; the 
other which belonged to the village, and was occupied by the 
villagers subject to the obligation of cutivating the lord's 
land. 61 Perhaps the essential difference between alodial 
land and bocland may have been this, that the holder 
of alodial land had to cultivate it himself, whereas' the 
holder of bocland had the services of the villagers to 
cultivate it for him. In days when there was little 
money the village-land was, as it were, the capital for 
cultivating the lord's land. The conversion of alodial land 
into bocland may in some places have been the result 
of Conquest, yet it seems also to have been deliberately 
adopted among the free Saxons. By a wise division of 
labour, some did military duties as the King's thanes, 
whilst others cultivated their land for them. But there 
may have been this difference between bocland when it 
was the result of voluntary arrangement, and bocland when 
it was the result of Conquest, that in the former case — 
and that is the case of the home counties — the villagers' 

51 The term Cotlif will be found used by A$elstan, who, as stated by 
Davidson in Trans, xiii. 119, endowed the Church of St. Mary and St 
Peter's with twenty-six cotlifs, among them being enumerated Topsham, 
Monkaton, Stoke Cannon, and Culmstock. The relations of lord, villagers, 
and serfs to the land are severally described in Domesday by saying that the 
lord holds (tenet) an estate, villagers occupy (habent) the village land, and 
serfs dwell upon it (manere in). See p. 178 of Domesday. 


and the lords' land lay interspersed, showing that the lord 
was only a villager, exalted by the favour of the Sovereign, 
and the election of his fellow- villagers ; whereas in the latter 
case — and this is the case of Devonshire — the villagers culti- 
vated lands apart by themselves in some trick, cot, or ham, 
and the lord's sele and lordship-land lay by themselves away 
from the land of the villagers. 

Grants appear to have been frequently made out of such 
village lands after the Conquest, 52 and when thus made the 
assessment is still quoted as forming part of the chief estate. 
An instance of this may be seen at Halberton (No. 100, 
p. 93). Halberton, it is said, paid geld for 5 hides. . . . 
Thereof the King has H hides ... in the lordship, and 
the villagers have 3i hides. These two amounts exhaust 
the total. The Exeter Book, however, continues: And of 
these five hides Goscelm has one virgate of land, viz., of 
the villagers 1 land . . . and it contributed 10s. to the food- 
rent paid by Halberton. Here Goscelm, elsewhere called 
a frankling, is distinctly said to have an estate carved out 
of the villagers' land, the assessment of which is already 
included in the villagers' land of Halberton. If, as seems 
probable, this virgate of land is Goscelm 's estate of Wool- 
stancot (No. 893, p. 863), so called after the Woolstan who 
held it before the Conquest, we have another case of a twice- 
repeated assessment, and also evidence that Woolstancot had 
been taken out of the village-land to form a separate estate 
in Saxon times. This estate seems, probably, to be that 
now called Boycot. To the Exeter Book we are indebted 
for information as to the source whence Goscelm's estate 
was derived. In how many other cases may not the same 
thing have happened, but no Hundred jury presented it, nor 
Domesday scribe recorded it ? 

4. There is, however, I believe, another circumstance to be 
remembered, which will diminish the apparent difference 
between the totals of Domesday and the Geldroll, viz., that 
the Hundreds, of which the Geldroll contains a list, do not 
exhaust all the Hundreds of the County. To put it otherwise, 
besides the greater Hundreds, which are generally spoken of 
as Hundreds, there appear to have been several lesser Hun- 
dreds, which usually went by the name of Ancient Demesne 
of the Crown, and are not included in the Geldroll at all. 

M In the Berkshire Domesday (No. 54, p. 6) appears this entry under 
Curanor: "In Wintehara [Whiteham] Hubert holds of the Abbot 
[of Abingdon] five hides taken out of t)u villagers' land. Cases in which 
the villagers were dispossessed are mentioned in the Hundred Rolls. See 
Trans, xxvi. 141, n. 8." 


This will be seen by reference to John Hooker's list of con- 
tributories to tenths and fifteenths, in Harlean MS. 5837, in 
the British Museum. From internal evidence, John Hooker 
must have had at least two much more ancient lists before 
him from which he compiled the one which now exists in bis 
handwriting. He often failed to see that two places were 
the same when they were spelt differently, and hence many 
names appear twice over. One of the lists from which he 
copied appears to have contained the amounts paid for tenths 
and fifteenths, and the other not 63 

Now, the Hundreds contained in Hooker's list are the 

following : (1) Wonford, with 72 names of contributories ; 

(2) Hemyock, with 9 ; (3) Axminster, with 13 ; (4) Axmouth, 

with 10 ; (5) East Budleigh, with 29 ; (6) Clyston, with 11 ; 

(7) Colyton, with 15; (8) Hairidge, with 24; (9) Colridge, 

with 28 ; (10) Stanborough, with 32 ; (11) Ermyngton, with 

30 ; (12) Plimton, with 25 ; (13) Roborough, with 22 ; (14) 

Tavistock, with 3 ; (15) Exminster, with 29 ; (16) Heytor, 

with 40 ; (17) Teignbridge, with 20 ; (18) Lifton, with 21 ; 

(19) Hartland, with 7 ; (20) Blacktorington, with 46 ; (21) 

Braunton, with 41 ; (22) Fremington, with 15 ; (23) Sher- 

well, with 17 ; (24) Shebbeare, with 26 ; (25) South Molton, 

which includes Molland and North Molton, with 30 ; (26) 

North Tawton, with 34; (27) Witheridge, with 24; (28) 

Tiverton, with 15 ; (29) Halberton, with 13 ; (30) Bampton, 

with 9 ; (31) Crediton, with 22 ; (32) West Budleigh, with 

18 ; besides 3 Hundreds consisting of a single contributory, 

viz., (33) Bansecombe, if I have read the first letter right, 

which is named between Hemyock and Axminster Hundreds 

and appears to be Branscombe ; (34) Ottery Mary, which is 

named between Clyston and Colyton Hundreds; and (35) 

Winkleigh, which is named between Witheridge and Tiverton 


In addition to these Hundreds, after Teignbridge Hun- 
dred appears another list of contributories, viz., (1) 
Ancient Demesne of Brampton (i.e. Braunton, in Domesday, 
No. 8, p. 7) ; (2) Ancient Demesne of Shebbeare (in Domes- 
day, No. 60, p. 55) ; (3) Ancient Demesne of Delyston — 
clearly Lyston is meant (in Domesday, No. 38, p. 35); (4) 
Ancient Demesne of Southinge 64 ; (5) Ancient Demesne of 

83 Mr. Davidson's observations in Trans, viii. 404. 

94 Possibly Southinge may be distinct from the Hundred of Halford, 
mentioned in the Hundred Rolls of 3 Ed. I. a.d. 1274 (See Traits, xxvi. 
146, note 8), in Domesday Alforde (No. 742, p. 711) to which Mildedone was 
appurtenant, i.e. Halford in Sampford Courtney, and Meldon in Chagford 
{Trans, viii. 64). In C. Devon's MSS. 24,774, p. 167, the accounts of Thomas 


Northam, (in Domesday, No. 303, p. 280); and again a second 
list after West Budleigh, Hundred consisting of (6) Ancient 
Demesne of South Tawton, 55 (in Domesday, No. 44, p. 41) ; (7) 
Ancient Demesne of Budleigh, Fen Ottery, and Brodeham (in 
Domesday, No. 14, p. 13); (8) Ancient Demesne of Axminster 
and Membury (in Domesday, No. 15, p. 15, and No. 751, p. 719). 
Possibly Bradninch may have held a similar position, 56 and 
the district called Peadingtun, referred to by Mr. Davidson 
(Trans, viii. 396). These minor Hundreds are now included 
in the greater Hundreds, but their enumeration is quite 
distinct in Hooker's list. 

It does not fall within the scope of my present paper to 
discuss the Hundreds of Devon, but I venture to think that 
if we eliminate the assessments, which are clearly given 
twice over in Domesday, and then exclude the assessments 
of places which are extra Hundredal, or outside the well- 
known larger Hundreds, of which only the Geldroll contains 
the list, there will be no difficulty in showing that the 
differences between the Geldroll and the Domesday assess- 
ments are non-existent. 

de Swenesey, clerk, warden of the King's mines, rendered 27 Feb. 29 Ed. I., 
i.e., a.d. 1300, mention "monies received from the king's manors of 
Bradnech, Lydford, Dertemore, and Wyke, £124 17s. 7*d." Wyke is Week 
in Chagford, alias Southteign, as appears from MS. 24,772, p. 193, where 
under the heading, Manor of Suthteyng, alias Ham pa ton Week, in a brief 
dated 4 Sept 9 Chas. I. , H amps ton Week is said to adjoin Suthteyng, and 
the manor to bear both names. See also Trans, viii. 64. 

65 In Burton's list of knights' fees, to which in Note 37 attention is 
directed, South Tawton Hundred is mentioned distinct from North Tawton. 
It has only one entry under it [No. 466] : " Cochtreu is held for J fee." To 
this Hundred, probably, belonged Girold the Chaplain's Scapelie (No. 1 1 63, 
p. 1093), whether we identify it with Ramsleigh in South Tawton, or Shapley 
in Chagford. To it belonged also Gidleigh. For in C. Devon's MS. (Add. 
MSS. 24,770 in Brit Mus.) p. 165, is an extract from the Pleas of the Crown, 
9 Ed. I., i.e. a.d. 1280: "The Hundred of South Tawton appears by 12 sworn 
men who say that William de Prouz holds the manor of Gyddeleigh in capita 
of their lord the King." In an After Death Inquest, 13 Ed. IV., a.d. 1473, 
(quoted in MS. 24, 779, p. 106). the jury find that Walter Code held the 
manor of Gideleigh of George, Duke of Clarence, by military service as of his 
manor of South Tawton. 

06 It appears from MS. 24,770, p. 225, that payments were made to Brad- 
ninch by Clistwike (St. George's Clist) and Hunshaw. In MS. 24,773, p. 43, 
Bradninchton is said to consist of 3 parts: (1) the fee, (2) the manor, (3) the 
borough. " The fee consists of freeholders, holding freeholds of the manor 
in Devon, who appear twice a year at the lord's court and present the names 
of deceased freeholders. These have their own bailiff. At the manor every 
tenant appears every 3 weeks and takes his holding for an agreed time, and 
is called a barton -tenant. Customary tenants hold by straighter sort than 
barton tenants. The borough is the district within which the lord's charter 




(Read at Okehampton, July, 1895.) 

In the Monthly Magazine, or British Register, vol. xxix., 
part i., for 1810, we read this heading in p. 458 : 

" Scarce Tracts, with Extracts and Analyses of Scarce Books. 

" It is proposed in future to devote a few Pages of the Monthly 
Magazine to the Insertion of such Scarce Tracts as are of an 
interesting nature, with the use of which we may he favoured by 
our Correspondents; and under the same Head to introduce also 
the Analyses of Scarce and Curious Books." 

Then follows : 

"Transcript of the Parish Expenditure of Milton Abbot, for 
the year 1588 ; in the order, and exactly after the Letter, of the 

The Transcript, which follows, fills four pages and a half 
of the magazine, in double column, small print. 

This Transcript is given in the Report and Transactions of 
the Devonshire Association, for the year 1879. The meeting 
of this Association for that year was at Ilfracombe. Here 
the Transcript is preceded by an introduction of 2 pages, and 
is followed by 32 \ pages of notes ; both the introduction 
and the notes being by Mr. W. Pengelly, F.R.S., &c. 

A careful comparison of the Accounts, as given by Mr. 
Pengelly, with the Transcript in the Monthly Magazine, gives 
just eleven differences. They are mostly of the character 
of printer's errors, springing from the old-fashioned way of 


spelling. Two, however, are more important ; on page 218, 
in Association Report, and sixteen lines bom the bottom, 
iid. is given for ixicL in the Transcript; and on page 219 
of same Report, nine lines from the top, xvfs is given for 
xxjs in the Transcript As, however, the summing up is, in 
other particulars, incorrect, these misprints are not of any 
great consequence. 

The following are the several misprints : 

1. In p. 217 of Report, fourth line from the top, we have 

" drinke " for u drink " in magazine. 

2. In p. 217 of Report, third line from the bottom, we 

have " mo " for " mothe " in magazine. 

3. In p. 218 of Report, nineteenth line from the top, we 

have " the " for " this " in the magazine. 
4 In p. 2L8 of Report, twenty-ninth line from the top, 
we have " ijd." for " Hid." in magazine, 

5. In p. 219 of Report, eighth line from the top, we have 

a likewise " for " likewise " in magazine. 

6. In p. 219 of Report, ninth line from the top, we have 

"xvjs" for "xxjs' 1 in magazine. 

7. In p. 219 of Report, fourteenth line from the top, we 

have "fyne " for "fijie " in magazine. 

8. In p. 219 of Report, thirty-second line from the top, 

we have "of" omitted for "of" inserted in magazine. 

9. In p. 220 of Report, fifteenth line from the top, we 

have " xvijs " for " xvljs " in magazine. 

10. In p. 220 of Report, nineteenth line from the top, we 

have " Whytbourne " for " lVhitbourne " in magazine. 

11. In p. 221 of Report, eleventh line from the bottom, we 

have " comminge " for " coming " in magazine. 

In his introductory remarks, Mr. Pengelly says, speaking 
of the Transcript, " waiving all question as to its genuineness" 
Now it is to this question of genuineness that I wish to 
address myself in this paper. I hope to show, from a com- 
parison of the places, and persons, and circumstances named 
in this Transcript, with the names of the places, and persons, 
and circumstances mentioned in the deeds, registers, and 
papers in my hands, that we may take the Transcript to 
be perfectly genuine. 

Before going on to this comparison, in order to give any, 
who have not the Accounts before them, an idea of what they 
contain, I cannot do better, I am sure, than to give Mr. 
Pengelly's description of what they contain, taken from 
his introductory remarks. This description is remarkably 

FOR THE YEAR 1588. • 201 

accurate and good ; as, indeed, are all the notes, which be 
gives, explaining the contents of the accounts. 

* 'It appears," he says, "that the parish finances were placed in 
the hands of six distinct sets of officers — Collectors for the Poor 
People; Bread-wardens; Wardens of the Common Store; Hey-, or 
flay-, or Heigh-wardens ; Receivers; and Payers — and that each 
set rendered their accounts annually, but, with the exception of 
the Receivers and Payers, no two of them at the same part of the 

" The Collectors for the Poor People " were two in number, 
and were " electyed and chosen att the feaste of the Nativitie 
of S. John the Baptist (24th June) for one whole yeare." 
Their funds were derived from payments, or gifts, or both, 
by parishioners whose names are given ; and their expendi- 
ture' took the forms of small sums advanced to the poor, of 
payments for articles of clothing, and of a few funeral 

" The Bread- Wardens " were eight in number, and as, in 
their Accounts, the parish was divided into four quarters — 
"Edgcombe q r ," "Chelyton q r ," "Weeke q r ," and "Leighe 
q r " — there were probably two Wardens in and for each. 
They sold, at least, Bread, "Cheyse," "Gerts," "Candels," 
and "Flesh"; and, after deducting "for making the cownte, 
iiij d ," they accounted for their gross receipts, as well as for 
tt gather moneye " about each quarter, which they paid over 
to the Beceivers for the parish. Their Account was rendered 
"the xxj. daye of Julye." There is nothing to show how 
their stocks were supplied. 

"The Wardens of the Common Store" were two in 
number, one for each of the divisions of the parish named 
in the Account : " South Down or south part of this 
pari8he, ,, and "benorthe Down, or the north part of this 
parishe." They had to "counte for bread and ale, made 
and sold of the ots getheryd " in their respective divisions, 
"with monyes getheryd there also"; and after deducting 
" Expenses for making the cownte, ij d ," they accounted for 
their gross receipts, which they paid over to the Beceivers 
for the parish. Their account was rendered on "the first 
day of September." It will be seen that, by selling bread, 
they interfered somewhat with the functions of the Bread- 

In the year 1588 there was but one Hay- Warden. There 
is nothing to show whether or not that was the usual 
number, but the office seems to have been unpopular, as 
the Warden closes his Account by giving the names of 



six parishioners "that fyned this yere for not doing this 
office." No such statement occurs in the case of any 
other officers. The Hay- Warden had to "cownte" for 
sums realized by the sale of "shepe," which, coining 
from various parishioners, were sold to other persons; for 
" woull sold " ; for money received for graves ; for fines ; for 
church property sold ; for " monye getheryd aboute the 
parishe, for to buy bread and wyne for the holy com- 
munion"; and for sums " receyvyd of them whych do 
geve monyes to the Church for finding shepe." He paid 
various accounts connected with the Church, as well as 
for " makeynge the cownte iiij d ," and handed such balance 
as he had in hand to the Beceivers for the parish. His 
Account was rendered " the sixth day of October." 

The " Receivers," of whom there were three, received, as 
has been stated, the gross receipts of the Bread- Wardens and 
the Wardens of the Common Store, as well as the balance 
which the Hay-Warden had in hand, but nothing from the 
Collectors for the Poor People. They also received "gether 
monye" for various purposes, money raised by rates, rents 
for certain houses, "conducte monye," and sums due from 
other parishes. They handed to the Payer for the parish 
the greater part of their receipts; but they discharged a 
few small accounts, and they paid for "makynge the 
cownte, xij d ." Their Account was rendered " the xxx. daye 
of December." 

There was, in 1588, but one Payer for the parish, but 
there seem to have been two the year next before. He does 
not appear to have received anything beyond that paid him 
by the Eeceivers. He paid for erecting or repairing parish 
buildings, everything of a military character, everything 
connected with the preservation of the peace, and, in short, 
almost every demand which could be made on the parish. 
Indeed, he seemed to intrude occasionally on the functions of 
the Hay- Warden. As already stated, his Account was 
rendered on the same day as that of the Beceivers — "the 
xxx. daye of December." 

The fines mentioned already render it probable that the 
Hay- Warden, like the Collectors for the Poor People, was 
" electyd and chosen for one whole yeare " ; but there is no 
indication, on this point, respecting the other officers. 

Such is the careful and accurate digest of these Accounts 
given by Mr. Pengelly. He also gives 32£ pages of notes 
and explanations of the various statements, &c, of the 
Accounts, of a most interesting character, showing wide 

FOB THE YEAR 1588. 203 

reading and deep research. To these notes I must refer any 
who wish for explanations. 

I proceed to examine how the names of places and persons 
mentioned in the Accounts agree with those mentioned in 
the Kegisters, and other books and papers now belonging to 
the Parish. The agreement will be found to be striking, and 
a certain witness of genuineness. 

I. First, of the two great divisions of the parish 
mentioned in the accounts of the Wardens of the Common 
Store, " the South-Down, or south part of this parishe" and 
•* benorthe Down, or the north part of this parishe" This 
division is easily traced, and would be the division made 
now by any desirous of dividing the parish into two parts 
for the purpose of making any collection. Indeed, it is the 
division still made at this day for the purpose of taking the 
Census. The division runs with the main road between 
Launceston and Tavistock, and the land on either side, north 
and south, might well have been described, before its division 
into fields, as " South- Down" and "Benorthe Down." 

II. Then, as to the four quarters of the parish mentioned, 
namely, Edgecome Quarter; Chelyton Quarter; Weeke 
Quarter; and Leighe Quarter; all these names are still 
preserved in the farms and town-places of those quarters ; 
and may be traced down, in the deeds and registers, from 
before the date of the Accounts to the present time. For 
instance, in a deed in Latin, dating from April 8th, in 12th 
year of reign of King Henry, the eighth after the conquest 
of England, i.e. 1521, we have the name of "John Edgecombe 
of Edgecombe, Gent., son and heir of John Edgecombe, 
deceased." Again, in a deed dated "vicesimo tertio die 
Januarii," "in tricesimo secundo anno" of Elizabeth "Anglise, 
ffranciae, et Hibernise regina, fidei defensor," i.e. 1591, or only 
three years after the date of the Accounts, Edgecombe is 
named and described as " infra parochiam de Milton Abbott," 
below the parish of Milton Abbott. This very well describes 
the position of Edgecombe at the present day, taking parish 
as meaning Churchtown. 

In the register of Burials for the year 1674, we read " John 
Sleeman, of Edgcombe, was buried the 2nd of April, anno ut 
supra." And, in a deed of the date of 1695, "Eichard 
Edgecombe, of Edgecombe" is spoken of. In the [Register of 
Baptisms in 1679, we read "Nicholas, s. of Eich d Edgecombe, 
of Edgecombe, Gent." Other similar entries in the Kegisters 
bring us down to the burial of Piers Edgcombe, of Edgecombe, 
in 1887. 

P 2 


As to Chelyton Quarter; the name appears 6 times in 
the early part of the Begisters, beginning with the entry of a 
marriage in 1681, where it is said that " John Bobbins, of 
Chilaton, was married to Anna Smallacombe " ; and in 
entries of burials in the years 1672, 1703, 1713, 1715, and 
1737, the name of the village of Chillaton appears, and so 
on to the present time. Also, in the book of certificates for 
burial in woollen, the name of the village appears in an 
entry in the year 1694. 

Again, as to Weeke Quarter ; the name appears in a deed 
dated 1659 ; it is there called Weeke Dawbernon, and a 
William Doidge was residing there at that date — a son, I 
suppose, of the "William Doidge of Weke" mentioned in 
the Accounts, or possibly the same individual. 

The name of Week also appears in the Begister of Burials ; 
in the year 1671 "William, the sonne of Bartholomew 
Doidge, of Weeke" was buried; and in 1679 "Elizabeth, 
the daughter of Bartholomew Doidge, of Week" was 
buried. And in 1681 "Bartholomew Doidge, of Week" 
himself, was buried. In 1687 "John Doidge, Senr., of 
Week, was buried." 

In the Tavistock Parish Records, p. 3, we read, "John 
d'Abernon, of Bradford, gave the manor of Wyke, Brent Tor, 
to the Abbey of Tavistock, 26 Edward III., and was 
probably the founder of the chapel bearing his name." Has 
this anything to do with Weeke Dawbernon, mentioned in the 
deed referred to above? Week is close under Brent Tor, 
and belongs to the Duke of Bedford ; and the Accounts spell 
it Weke, which may well be turned into Wyke in copying. 

Then we come to Leighe quarter ; the farm of Leigh is to 
be found adjoining Endsleigh. No doubt, Endsleigh was taken 
out of the estate of Leigh. The name of this quarter does 
not appear in the Begisters at an early date. The reason 
may be that it lies near the Churchtown, and those living 
there were so well-known that they did not require to have 
the place of their abode mentioned. 

III. Besides the places giving names to the four quarters 
of the parish, many other places are mentioned in the 
Accounts, which are also mentioned in the Begisters, and 
other books and deeds. 

a. We read in the Accounts of "William Doidge the Elder, 
of Quether" In the Begisters, we read, in 1658, "Bichard 
Doidge, of Quether, was buried"; in 1662, "Elizabeth, the 
daughter of John Doidge, of Quether, was buried " ; in 1681, 
"James, the sonne of Bichard Doidge, of Queder, was 

FOR THE YEAR 1588. 205 

baptized " ; in 1671, " Kichard, the sonne of Richard Doidge, 
of Quither, was buried/ 1 Similar entries also occur in the 
years 1675, 1676, 1713, 1738, and 1777, and so on to 
the present time. 

6. We also read in the Accounts of "John Maynard, 
of Foghanger" In an Indenture of Queen Elizabeth's 
reign, we read of " Foghanger, infra parochiam de Milton 
Abbott " ; as is also said of Edgcombe. This very well 
describes its position. In the Registers we seem to have the 
burial of the very person mentioned in the Accounts : We 
read in 1659, "John Maynard, of Foghanger, buried" Allow- 
ing him to have been twenty-one at the time of the Accounts, 
he would have been ninety-two when he died. 

In 1673 we read, " Joan Maynard, of ffoghanger, buried." 
While in 1776 we read, as buried, " William Coram, Senr., of 
Fogner" This is the name by which the hamlet is commonly 
known in the present day. 

c. We read in the Accounts of " John Collyne, of West- 
cot" ; as also of " Richard Sowton, of Westcot" In the 
Registers we read, in 1679, "Agnes, the wife of Andrew 
Doidge, of Wescot, was buried." We have still a farm of 
this name. 

d. The Accounts mention "John Collyne, of Wylslye." In 
the Register, in 1702, we read, " A certain Travelling woman, 
dying at Wilsley, within the pish of Mylton Abbot, was 
buried the 11th day of January." This recalls to the mind 
the entry in the Accounts, where it is said, "Payde to 
the same Walt for makinge of a grave for a poor man 
who dyed at Longcrosse ii d ." For Wilsley would, in those 
days, have been the nearest inhabited place to Long-Cross. 
This district must have been, in those times, a wild, desolate 
place, where the roads from Exeter to Cornwall, and from 
North Devon to Plymouth, crossed one another, a very likely 
place for travellers to lose themselves. Accordingly, we read 
another entry from the Registers in the year 1765: "Nov. 
24th, a Poor Traveller (name unknown), who was found dead 
at Long-Cross, in this parish," was buried. All these places 
are known by the same names now. 

e. Then the Accounts mention " Thomas Collyne, of Burn- 
shall" In the Book for burying in woollen we read, under 
the year 1684, "Richard Edgcombe, of Bumshall, was 
buried." This name for a farm in the parish still exists, but 
has been corrupted by the last tenant into Burns Hall. 

f. In the Accounts we have "John Sleman, of Long- 
brook.*' In a Deed of Agreement of the year 1667, we read of 


"John Toker, of Longbrooke, within the pish of Milton 
Abbott, in the County of Devon." In the Registers, under 
the year 1673, we read, "Kichard Doidge, of Longbrook," 
was buried. On a tombstone in the Churchyard we read, 
"William Tooker, of Longbrooke, deceased the 3rd day of 
March, An. Dm. 1645." Still, Longbrook exists. 

g. In the Accounts we read of "Richard Jackeman, of 
Popfalip" In the Registers we have, under the year 1672, 
"Philippa, the daughter of John Rundle, of Pophdip," 
was buried. Now called Pophleet. 

There are a few other places mentioned in the Accomnts, 
which are still bearing the , same names, but are not 
mentioned in the Registers. This is but what might be 
expected, as the Registers do not profess to give the names of 
the places in the parish, and only do so when some mark of 
distinction in the persons is required. These other places 
are Youngcot, Beare (or Beara), Oldhouse, and Beckaton. 

IV. We come, now, to examine the names of the 
parishioners mentioned in the Accounts. Mr. Pengelly 
says (41), " The Milton Abbott Accounts contain 186 names, 
possibly, but not certainly, the names of ad many 
parishioners, of whom 169 were males, and 17 were females, 
assuming ' Philip Vela, vid.' to have been a male." Taking 
the surnames only, the number of these to be found in the 
Registers and Deeds is 148 ; thus leaving 38 for those who may 
not have been residents in the parish, and who may have 
left, or died out, in the 65 years before the Registers began. 

It may be thought that 86 years, or even 96 years, is not 
an uncommon age for some few to attain to in country 
districts, and that, therefore, we might expect to find the 
deaths of a few of these parishioners named in the Accounts 
of 1588 in the Registers which commence in 1653. Let us 
see how it is in this case. 

(i.) In the Accounts we read : " Doidge, Johan, vid., con- 
tributed Is. to the Poor's-box." In the Registers, under 1654, 
"Joane Doidge was buried the 24th of May." This may 
have been the very same person. If she was a widow of 25 
years old at the time of the Accounts, she would have been 
92 at her death. 

(ii.) In the Accounts, two John Sleemans are mentioned. 
In the Registers, under the year 1654, we read : "John 
Sleman, the elder, was buried." So the Registers agree 
with the Accounts that there were two John Slemans 
about that time; and show that one of them may have 
died, and did die, in 1654. 

FOR THE YEAR 1588. 207 

(iii.) In the Accounts, George Doidge, of Quether, is 
mentioned. In the Registers, under the year 1654, we read : 
" George Doidge was buried the 20th day of June." 

(iv.) In the Accounts, two Eoger Doidges are mentioned. 
In the Registers, "Eoger Doidge was buried the 13th of 
April, 1665." 

(v.) In the Accounts, two John Edgecombes are mentioned. 
In the Registers we read : " John Edgecombe was buried the 
10th of November, 1656." 

(vi) In the Accounts, " John Maynard, of Foghanger," is 
mentioned. In the Registers we read: "John Maynard, of 
Foghanger, buried June 4, 1659." 

(vii.) In the Accounts, Gonstantyne Bobyns is mentioned. 
We read in the Registers : " Constantino Bobbyns, buried 
May 6, 1659." 

(viii.) In the Accounts, Johan Jackeman, vid., is mentioned. 
In the Registers we have : " Joane Jackeman, buried Nov. 1, 
1662." This allows her to have been a widow of 22 years 
old, if she died at the age of 96. 

(ix.) In the Accounts, Davyd Sleman is mentioned. We 
have in the Registers : " David Sleman, buried Nov. 10, 

(x.) In the Accounts, John Doidge, of Weke, is mentioned. 
In the Registers we read: "John, of Weeke, Doidge (sic), 
Juried Jan. 22, 1664." 

If the same person is referred to in both the entries, then 
lie died at 97 should he have been 21 in 1588. 

Perhaps this is as far as we had better go. 

Here, then, we have 10 persons, out of the 186 mentioned, 
living to between the ages of 87 and 97. If this should 
seem a rather exaggerated proportion, then it is open to us to 
believe that a few of them may have been sons or daughters 
bearing their parents' name. This will not weaken the 
testimony to the genuineness of the Accounts afforded by 
the many and striking coincidences. 

It would be possible greatly to add to these coincidences 
if, instead of confining ourselves to the deaths of those 
mentioned in the Accounts, we had gone on to instance 
the deaths of the sons and daughters and wives of these 
people; as, for instance, in 1653 we have the burials of 
"Daniel, the sonne of John Rundell," "Bichard, the son 
of John Hawkings," in 1654. Again, in the same year, 
u Bichard, the son of Constantine Maynarde" Also, " Joane, 
the wife of William Doidge" These fathers and this 
husband are mentioned in the Accounts, but their deaths 


^ *vs* At^^wAr iu the Registers; they were either already dead 
sV*v*v t,tw te<fi$ter$ began, or they were buried elsewhere. 

CW uuiuber ot* such instances might be greatly increased, 
*mV» tHM'h*^ enough has been said on this branch of the 
*ubjeot to bear striking witness to the genuineness of the 

V. Let us go on now to see how these Accounts bear 
vvu^nuiaou with those of Tavistock of the same date, viz., 
the Year 1588 and thereabouts. We should expect to find 
iHOiauterable differences with certain similarities, seeing it 
\yu* the time of the Armada and the Irish disturbances, and 
thut Milton Abbott appears always to have had intimate 
eouueotions with Tavistock, as formerly belonging to the 
Abbey of Tavistock. For instance, Roger Sturt, vicar of 
Mylton, is named as paying xiij 8 iiij d in the Records of 
Tavistock in the year 1425. 

The quotations are from the Calendar of the Tavistock 
J*ari*h Records, by R. N. Worth, f.g.s. 

a. In the Milton Abbott Accounts, "Weeke quarter" of 
the parish is mentioned, and Weke is mentioned as the place 
where John and William Doidge lived I have shown that 
this is quite in keeping with the Registers of the parish, and 
with a deed belonging to the parish, which adds to the 
name, calling it Weeke Daubernon. Now, as early as the 
year 1385, we read in the Tavistock Records, p. 3, of a sum 
of money given " For the altar of S. Salvator with the chapel 
of John Dabnoun" 

b. In the Milton Accounts we have "the collectors for 
the poor people." In the Tavistock Records we have mention 
of a sum of money received from "Thomas Knappe, Collector" 
in the year 1423. (p. 7.) 

c. In Milton Accounts we read of the " gather money about 
this quarter xiij d " ; (p. 219.) And, "Receyvyd in monye 
gathered about the parishe for to buy bread and wyne for 
the Holy Communion vj 8 . In Tavistock Records, 1561 (p. 26.) 
" Receauyed of the gathering moneys for the Reperacion of 
Church this yere viii u viii 8 ." 

d. In the Accounts, the hey- warden " paide for bread and 
wyne for the holye communione this yere xiiij 8 iij d ." In the 
Records in 1538 "for bredd and wyne xvj d ." In 1566, 
" Itm for bredd and wynne for the Comunyon for this yere 
xv 8 ij d ob," and in 1561, "Itm payed for Bredde for the 
Comunyon for the hole yere this yere v 8 iiij d ." 

e. In the Accounts, the archdeacon's visitation is mentioned 
(l». 219), and the cost of the aitycles xij d . Also, "payde 

FOR THE TEAR 1588. 209 

at the Bishop's visitation for artycles xxij d ." "For the 
wardens and sidesmens dynners, xij d . For washinge of the 
Church clothinge this yere viiij d ." 

In the Records, " Itm paide for Wasehyng of the Churche 
Clothes and for mendyng of them ij B " in the year 1566 ; 
also, in the year 1540, "for wasshynge of the Churche Clothes 
p. an m iiij 8 ." And in the year 1561, "Itm more payd at mye 
lorde Byschoppe is visitacion for hallffe of the Boke callyd 
the Callne vj 8 ." "Itm for wasschynge of fyue Surples 
and one comvnyon cloth iiij 8 . Itm for mendynge of the 
Surples yj d ." "Itm payed for the foure men is dener at 
the Archdeacon is visitacion ij 8 . viij d ." 

/. In the Accounts, " To Oliver Maynard for a new byble, 
xxxvj 8 ." In Records, " Itm payed for a bybyll of the largis 
volume xxvj 8 viij d " in the year 1561. Again, in the year 
1588, " Itm paide for a newe Bible for the Church xj 8 viij d ." 

g. In the Accounts, "To John Cragge for the fyne of 
wearinge of hats this yere xij d ." In the Records, " Itm paid 
to Mr. Thomas Mohun the Earle of Bedfords hundred Bayleif 
... in hurdewyke Court sett uppon the pisheners for that 
they offende the statue in not wearinge Capps on the 
Sondaie iij 8 iiij d " in the year 1605. 

A. In the Accounts, " To one Jermain for scouring of the 
parishe harnis v g . To Tristram Doidge, for a coppye 
of the mouster-booke, ij 8 . ... To the same Tristram for 
trayninge the souldiers at Tavistocke lviij 8 viij d . To the 
same Tristram for press monye vj d ." Then we read of 
money lent and returned for supplying gunpowder, of money 
for buying musketts x 1 iij 8 ; of "wages for the trayend 
souldiers going to Exceter vj l x 8 ." "To John Wyse for 
mending a corslet, xij d ." "To Olyver Edgecombe for 
mending of murrion, sword, dagger and bible (sic) staff 
x d ." "To John Wyse for carrydge of harnis to Tavistock 
for the Ireland Souldiers iij d ," and other entries of a similar 

In the Records of the same year, 1588, "Itm Receyved of 
the pishioners of Tavistock towardes a rate made for the 
settinge fourthe of Souldyers for the guardinge of the Queenes 
ma ties pson and towardes the mayneteynaunce of the Churche 
this yere, as appeareth by a Booke of the pticulars thereof 
xxxj a x 8 iiij d ." Again, "Itm paide in August laste for the 
expenses of the Souldiers att Plympton vij 8 . Itm paide to 
John Burges for his paynes in goinge with the Thrum [drum] 
vj d . . . Itm paide James the Cutler for makinge cleane 
strappynge and other Trymuiynge of the Corslett and other 


armour of the pishe, and for a newe Daggar vj s ." And more 
to the same effect. 

i. In the Accounts, " To the Vicar for that he payde them 
that gathered with lycences vij 8 vij d ," and "to a poore man 
which gathered to S. Leonard iiij d . ,, 

In the Records for the same year, " Itm paid a pore man 
thatt collected for the hospitall of Saynt Leonards vj d ." 
Evidently the same man is referred to in both accounts. 

j. In the Accounts a certain Mr. Fytze is referred to. " To 
the same constable and John Adams, for their dynners, being 
at Tavistocke before Mr. Fytze, to receyve back agayne 
ix 1 via* iiij d (which remayneth in their hands), being part of 
the monyes whych was payde out for the same souldiers, 
viij d ." 

In the Records of the same year we have, no doubt, the 
same Mr. ffytz mentioned four times, and each time as an 
important person ; in one entry he is called John ffytze, 
esquier, in the others Mr. ffytze. 

Taking the surnames mentioned in the Records in this 
year, seven or eight of them are also to be found in the 
Milton Accounts. This would be about the number that 
might be expected in two places having such close business 
relations, and populations of about 900 and 2000; also 
bearing in mind that the number of names mentioned is, 
Milton 186, Tavistock 100. 

h. As to the value of money, as represented in the 
Accounts and Records, the following particulars may be of 
interest : — 

(i.) In the Accounts we read, "Payde at the bishop's visita- 
tion for Artycles, xxij d ." 

In the Records, " Itm paide for a Booke of Articles att the 
ffirst visitacon and for other ffees then xxii d " exactly the 
same sum. 

(ii.) In the Accounts, "for the wardens and sidesmen's 
dyner at this visitation, xii d ." This was at the Bishop's 
visitation. There was also an Archdeacon's visitation this 
year, when the same sum was paid for the "wardens and 
sidesmens dynner." 

In the Records, we are also informed that fees were paid 
for both an archdeacon's and a Bishop's visitation this year. 
The former is called the first visitation ; the following entry 
would appear to belong to the latter : " Itm paide for the 
Dynner of the wardens and one of the sydesmen the xxiiij 
daye of Maye last att the delyverey of our p'sentments for 
the laste visitation xii d ." Here the dinners of the wardens 

FOR THE YEAR 1588. 211 

and one sidesman came to the same as was paid in the 
Accounts for the wardens' and sidesmen's dinner, namely, 
xii d . 

(iii.) The wages of the day-labourer appear to be pretty 
much the same in both accounts : — 

1. In the Accounts we have "To George Manninge for 
three dayes worke about the same style xi d . To Henry 
Collyne, one dayeft work about the same style iiij d ." This 
gives about fourpence for a day's work. 

In the Records, " Itm payde to John Brouresdon for ffy ve 
dayes worke of hymsellfe and his Boye, and for ffyndinge 
themselves aboute the porche and Schole howse v B ii d ." This 
man was probably a tradesman, receiving, therefore, higher 
day-wages than a labourer, about sixpence a day. 

2. In the Accounts, " To Constantyne Sargent for mending 
of a bell whele, iii d ." 

In the Records, " Itm paid to Pundory for mendinge the 
wheyle of the great bell ii d ." 

It is difficult to find instances of charges that can be so 
compared as to give accurately the value of money in the 
two accounts ; but what has been given seems to show a 
fair agreement as to the value of money. 

I. In the Accounts, the only reference to money coming 
from other sources than collections in money or in kind, or 
from things sold, or gifts, or loans, or fees, or fines, is 
(p. 220): "Keceyved rent for the house at Tavistocke x 8 . 
•* For the lytel chamber of the Church-house " ; also, in the 
expenses, we read : " For howse rent and amercements for 
the howse at Tavistocke xiii d ." 

This is quite in accordance with Deeds in the Eegister- 
chest, and tends to show the genuineness of the Accounts. 

The fate of the Church-house I have not traced. It is 
gone ; but there is a tradition of its existence and sale. 

The house in Tavistock can be traced by the Deeds referred 
to. It can be traced from its first coming to the Church, to 
its sale in 1861. The history, in short, is this : The property 
of which it formed a -part was obtained before 1521 by 
Thomas Edgecombe, of Edgecombe, in Co. of Devon, yeoman, 
from Jeremy Hampden, of Hartwell, in co. Buckingham, 
soldier ; he had received it from his uncle, lately dead, John 

Then, in 1521, John Edgecombe, of Edgecombe, gent, son 
and heir of John Edgecombe, deceased, gives to trustees the 
tenement and garden adjoining, in the town of Tavistock, 
which he inherited from his father. He gives it for the use 


and maintenance of the Parish Church, as we learn from the 
statements of following Deeds. 

The next Deed is dated 1591. This is followed by ten 
other Deeds dated 1610, 1653, 1654, 1659, 1667, 1695, 1696, 
1714, 1768, 1817. Then, in 1861, the Accounts of the 
Church Restoration have this entry : " The produce of sale of 
Vigo Barn, applied by vote of Vestry to Church Restoration 
Fund, £108 3. 8d." 

In the course of these years the property had dwindled 
down from " a tenement and garden adjoining," and orchard, 
to Vigo Barn ! It had been continually leased on 99 years 
and 'lives. From one Deed it would seem that the remaining 
trustees became conscious that the property had been going 
in a bad way ; so they appointed their young sons as 
trustees, with an awful denunciation upon any who should 
divert the property from the use and maintenance of the 
Parish Church. We are now left with the comfort that no 
despoilers can take away Vigo Barn from the Church. 

VI. In conclusion, then, I would submit that these strik- 
ing coincidences, arising from a comparison of the Accounts 
with the Deeds and Registers, and also with the Tavistock 
Records, leave no room for doubt of the genuineness of the 

How admirably do the Deeds and Registers support the 
Accounts ! Consider the divisions of the parish, and the 
names of those divisions, and the various places mentioned 
besides. Think how the names of the parishioners in both 
cases so well agree, and in such a number of instances. 

And, notwithstanding the great, yet natural, differences 
that appear between the Accounts of Milton Abbott and 
those of Tavistock of the same year, and about the same 
time, yet what a similarity is there ! Think of the name of 
Week, or Wyke Daubernon; of the collectors and the gather- 
money in the two instances ; of the bread and wine for Holy 
Communion, provided in the same way ; the two Visitations 
referred to in both cases ; also the fines for wearing hats ; the 
military matters ; the gathering or collection for S. Leonards; 
the references to Mr. Fy tze ; the value of money ; the rent 
and history of the house in Tavistock ; the wages paid. 

If the many and striking agreements mentioned in this 
paper fail to convince the reader of the genuineness of the 
Milton Abbott Accounts for 1588, certainly the study of the 
subject has convinced me most thoroughly that we have in 
these accounts a genuine statement of the affairs of Milton 
Abbott in the year 1588. 



(Read at Okebampton, July, 1895.) 

When the Devonshire Association held their Annual Meeting 
at Southmolton, about this time last year, I read a paper 
on " Dartmoor for Devonshire," in which I argued, to the 
best of my ability, that, following the example of the City 
of London, whose Council bought Epping Forest for their 
citizens, the County Council of Devonshire should buy 
Dartmoor for the Devonshire folk. I sent a copy of my 
paper, with the author's compliments, to every member of 
the County Council, Aldermen and Councillors, numbering 
104; and out of all these representatives of Devon I got 
one letter in reply, which was unfavourable to the proposal 
Two of my papers came back to me unopened, because they 
had been forwarded to another address, and there was a 
half-penny to pay on them. 

Not a word, as far as I know, has been said in the County 
Council on the subject of this proposal, and the County 
Council has treated it with the silence of the grave. 

I do not complain ; it does not concern me as a simple 
member of this Association. I am quite willing to think 
that the paper was not equal to the occasion — that it was 
not worth the while of any County Councillor to read it, 
as a piece of writing — and that it fully deserved the 
contempt of those eminent persons as a suggestion to them 
of a subject that might well occupy their minds. 

But the scheme to purchase Dartmoor for Devonshire had 
the unanimous approval of this Devonshire Association, at 
their annual meeting ; it also had the approval of the 
Dartmoor Preservation Society, and of the Mercantile 
Associations of Plymouth and of Tavistock — all of which 


consist of persons worthy of the notice of the County 
Council. This Devonshire Association alone might inspire 
some little respect, sufficient to induce the members of the 
County Council to take some steps to consider such a pro- 
posal as the purchase of Dartmoor. 

The Corporation of the City of London began a suit in 
the Law Courts, in the Epping Forest case, in July, 1871, 
and the Forest was thrown open by the Queen herself, on 
the 6th May, 1882. The Corporation of the City, therefore, 
thought the Forest of so much importance that they devoted 
eleven years to the hard work of acquiring Epping Forest 
of 6000 acres. The Devonshire County Council think so 
little of the Forest of Dartmoor of 56,000 acres, that it is 
not even worth their while to mention it, though it must 
have been before the public for some time. It is true that 
the County Council has been re-elected during the year, but 
the word Dartmoor has not been uttered by any one of the 
members of the Council, that I ever heard of. Their minds 
are full of police, roads, bridges, technical education, and 
such like affairs, and we all know that we are a rate-fearing 
people. Still, the acquisition of Dartmoor would, at least, 
be worth discussion, if it were merely to find out whether 
buying it were possible, and if so, whether it would pay a 
rent, and be a saving of rates, or otherwise. 

In the case of Epping Forest, bought by the City of 
London, there was nothing, except the Forest as a public 
pleasure ground, for the Corporation of London to buy and 
to protect. Whereas in the case of Dartmoor there is the 
water supply of more than half the County to be protected ; 
and so far from Dartmoor being an expense and a charge 
on the rates, it is not unlikely that it would return enough, 
in existing circumstances, to cover all expenses, and be no 
charge whatever on the rates. As it is a Forest, it might 
also offer a field for forestry, an art much neglected, and a 
technical school for forestry might engage the attention of 
the Technical School Committee on some parts of the Moor. 

The City of London has cleared the way for all future 
Corporations to proceed to acquire the open spaces available 
for their people, and the Local Government Acts expressly 
empower Local Councils to take their commons, village 
greens, and open spaces under their care. 

It is hardly necessary again to say that all Devonshire 
men, if not Cornish men also, have rights on Dartmoor, 
which rights can be made good in the Courts of Law. The 
City of London has established such-like rights by means of 


judgments obtained in the Courts of Law, and they cannot 
now be disputed. Therefore the County Council have simply 
to take charge of the interests of the Devonshire folk on the 
Forest of Dartmoor. 

Whether it be legal or not legal, open spaces are enclosed, 
and have been enclosed for generations, unless they are 
protected. No man's purse or watch would be safe unless 
it were protected by the law, acting through a police con- 
stable. So it has been, and will be, with Dartmoor. There 
will be nothing of it left, the sources of the streams will be 
destroyed, and no rivers worth talking about will flow from 
its watersheds, if some authority does not undertake its 

I do not doubt for a moment that the Devonshire County 
Council, with its Aldermen and Councillors, is of the 
greatest advantage and use to the county. It has taken 
steps, by means of Technical Dairy Schools, to improve off 
the face of the earth our Devonshire cream and butter, and 
to substitute separators for the scalding process in the treat- 
ment of milk. I would far rather they would let the Devon- 
shire cream alone, and turn their attention to Dartmoor. 

This Devonshire Association consists of a great number 
of Devonshire men and women, who have naturally taken 
a supreme interest in Devonshire and Devonshire matters; 
geology, archeology, Domesday, dialect, and what not! on 
which many pages of writing are now to be found in the 
volumes of the published Transactions. Dartmoor itself 
has occupied no small part of the attention of the Devon- 
shire Association, as the volumes of the Transactions can 
testify. It might be supposed, that when a member of the 
County Council were elected, the first thing he would do 
would be to seek to join this Association. But it is a 
Temarkable fact that of all the 455 members of the Devon- 
shire Association only twenty-two of them are members 
of the County Council. The County Council have this 
advantage over the Devonshire Association, that whereas all 
the members of the Devonshire Association cannot be 
members of the County Council, all the members of the 
County Council can be members of the Devonshire Associa- 
tion. But as they have not availed themselves of that 
privilege, it is not surprising that the Devonshire Association 
and the County Council should look at Devonshire from 
different points of view. The puzzle for the Devonshire 
Association is, to find out the point of view of the County 
Council, and to discover how it is the County Council have, 


^^AivaUy* never heard of Dartmoor as a place of any 
•.**«** v** v>* importance whatever. I suppose the County 
vVu*wii couaiats of men of business, whilst the Devonshire 
Wvvwtaou consists of men and women of Science, Art, and 
t,\ua*tiuv ; and the County Council may think that men of 
Uuaiuot* have no business on Dartmoor, if they are to have 
Uuui unuda confused with such things as Science, Art, and 
Liuu*mv* if the County Council occupies itself only with 
ivaU* bulges, and police, halving the care of the police 
*uh Quarter Sessions, they can have nothing in common 
\uUv the Devonshire Association; but the County Council 
h** uUo concerned itself with Technical Education, and the 
lK>vou*hire Association has devoted itself to educating the 
ihh^Io for years, though they might differ from the County 
(Vvtuoil as to what may be technical in education, especially 
uv the matter of Devonshire cream and butter. 

A most surprising difference, however, between those two 
mwt Devonshire authorities has developed itself. The 
Tkwonahire Association devotes itself in a great measure to 
Itartmoor; on the other hand the County Council appears 
not to be aware that it exists. There is another rather 
nurprising fact The London County Council, a kindred 
body to the Devonshire County Council, are so much alive to 
the value of Dartmoor that they have actually promoted 
a Hill in Parliament, happily withdrawn for the present, 
to acquire Dartmoor for a water supply, and, in the face 
of that remarkable state of things, the Devonshire County 
Council, judging from their sayings and doings, are not aware 
that there is any water on Dartmoor, or any river of pure 
water flowing therefrom for the benefit of Devonshire folk. 
I should imagine that no County Council that ever was 
elected could be so apathetic, on a question of the water 
supply of at least half their county. 

The County Council may think that Dartmoor is quite 
safe, if they give a thought to it at all. An Act of Parlia- 
ment has been passed, which practically, it is said, repeals 
the Statute of Merton, and no more inclosures can take 
ulaca But why was not the Statute of Merton repealed, 
luntead of a roundabout way taken to make it inoperative ? 
Dartmoor is not safe, as we too well know, and will not 
be safe, until the County Council has acquired it, and then 
if our representatives do not take care of it, it will be 
our own fault Every year some part of Dartmoor is practi- 
cally lost to us, and even now there are crazy notions 
of Company Promoters, for ruining their shareholders by 


turning the Dartmoor bogs into peat fuel, which would be 
destructive of our water supply. Is a fine water supply 
of no value, and is such a thing, of infinite importance as it 
is in these modern days of large populations, to be trifled 
with, and be allowed to slip away from us ? The County 
Council ought to satisfy themselves that Dartmoor is 
safe before they let it severely alone ; but no, they never 
mention it, its name is never heard; and if they took 
the trouble to inquire, they would soon find how far 
from safe it is. 

It is true that we are a rate-fearing people, and the County 
Council may fear the rate-fearing public. But they spend 
rates on the police, and no amount of policemen can 
compare with Dartmoor in importance, taking into con- 
sideration the nature of the property to be protected. I 
will run the risk of again quoting the old wise saw, 
which should never be forgotten: — 

" The Law condemns both man and woman, 
Who steals the goose from off the common, 
But lets the greater felon loose, 
Who steals the common from the goose ! " 

As the police protect our geese, for which the ratepayers 
pay them, so ought the County Council to take care of 
our commons for us. 

My opinion from the first was, that Devonshire is too 
large for one County Council, and that the county ought to 
have been divided into two parts, for the purposes of Local 

Dartmoor would then have been in the Western Division, 
and would have been of the first importance to the Western 
County Council, instead of being of no importance at all in 
the minds of the County Council that sits at Exeter. Exeter 
is too far from many of the districts to be anything but 
a trouble and a burden to the Aldermen and Councillors who 
happen to represent them, especially as the work is done 
by constant and repeated attendance on Committees. The 
result is that those who live within easy reach of Exeter rule 
the County, and they are of those who do not know or care 
much about Dartmoor. 

Although commons, open spaces, village greens, rights of 
way, are especially placed in charge of Local Authorities by 
the Local Government Act, 1894, and the Local Councils 
are called upon to protect such rights, yet there exists a 
certain amount of indifference to these most valuable public 
possessions, as they may well be called, and they have time 



out of mind been allowed to lapse by neglect ; some for the 
want of authority to protect them, some from carelessness 
and ignorance of their great value, and some from the dread 
of the monstrous law charges which we must all pay fpr the 
luxury of justice, especially in matters relating to the land. 

The County Council have certainly had a great deal of 
work thrown upon them by the Local Government Act, and 
it may be said that they have had no time for anything else. 
If such an excuse had been given for not taking up the 
subject of Dartmoor, or even if Dartmoor had been alluded 
to as a large part of Devonshire, we could patiently wait 
a short time for the leisure of the County Council; but 
if no such place as Dartmoor existed they could not have 
been more silent, or more indifferent to its claims as a 
Devonshire Common, Forest, Chase, or whatever it may be 
called, on which the public have valuable rights. 

It seems to me that not only the County Council, but also 
the District Councils, Parish Councils, and parish meetings 
will have to be urged to look after their rights of common 
and rights of way ; there appears to be so much indifference 
to their real value on the part of leading men. It is not 
at all easy to say why there should be so much negligence 
of what are infinitely valuable rights. If there had been 
any appreciation of such rights whatever, Dartmoor would 
have been a matter for the consideration of the County 
Council from the first. 

No one for a moment would suppose that the valuation of 
such a forest as Dartmoor for purchase could be an easy, 
simple affair, still less could it be supposed that the Duchy 
of Cornwall would show any anxiety to sell such a property. 
The sale by the Duchy, and the purchase by the County 
Council, must be of necessity an affair of importance, 
demanding very serious consideration on both sides. It 
has been too hastily assumed, and it has been stated in 
the newspapers rather too confidently, that the Duchy would 
be willing to sell. 

Exmoor, which was a true Royal Forest, was sold by 
George III. to a subject of His Majesty, a private gentleman, 
though it is still called a Forest. 

The County Council have taken some interest in Exmoor, 
part of which is at present in Somersetshire, and have en- 
deavoured to get the County boundaries altered, which are 
now absurdly irregular, that the whole of Exmoor may be 
included in Devonshire, as it clearly ought to be. In the 
reign of King John the whole of Devonshire was disafforested, 


with the exception of Dartmooor and Exmoor, Exmoor Forest 
was, therefore, then in Devonshire, and the County Council 
are only right in claiming it 

But why neglect Dartmoor ? If a private gentleman could 
buy Exmoor of the King, surely the County Council can buy 
Dartmoor of the Duchy of Cornwall. Perhaps as Dartmoor 
is part of the property of the Duchy of Cornwall, the County 
Council may have a vague idea it is in Cornwall 

As George III. sold Exmoor Forest, it may be assumed 
that the Duchy of Cornwall might sell Dartmoor to a public 
body, such as the Devonshire County Council, at an adequate 
price, for the sake of the public of Devonshire. And it is 
probable that the Devonshire County Council might manage 
such a peculiar property to greater advantage, than officials 
in a London office. If by the transaction the net income from 
the property, reckoned on a fair business-like calculation, 
would not be reduced, would be more easily collected, and 
more regularly received, it would be some advantage to the 
Duchy to sell the property, which at present must be rather 
troublesome to manage. The great advantage to both sides 
would be that the Devonshire people would get a property 
of extraordinary value to them, for many reasons, and the 
Duchy would get rid of property of no value whatever to 
them, except the mere income in money that it brought in. 

It is a fact that the London County Council actually pro- 
moted a Bill in Parliament in 1894, to enable them to obtain 
water for the supply of London from Dartmoor, which 
attempt to take our water from us, most serious as it was 
to Devonshire folks, does not seem to have been worthy of 
even so much as a casual remark by any one member of the 
Devonshire County Council. 

If the London County Couucil first treat with the Duchy, 
and propose to buy the whole of Dartmoor, for the sake of a 
copious supply of the purest water to London, what would 
be thought of the apathy of our County Council then ? The 
half of Devonshire, west of the Exe and south of the Taw, 
would be grievous sufferers. They would see the London 
County Council masters of Dartmoor, managing it for their 
own sole advantage, and going with a light heart with their 
enormous wealth into the Law Courts, to test the validity of 
all our rights — rights which our County Council had neglected 
to bestow a thought upon. 

I can see Dartmoor, in my mind's eye, turned to good 

account by the London County Council in their own London 

fashion — Cockney villas in all directions, with railway and 

q 2 


tramway approaches; large reservoirs in the place of our 
river heads, now silent spots for thonghtfal men, far from 
the madding crowd ; perhaps boats and electric launches on 
them, with bands of music, and a superfluity of the sort of 
civilization which is peculiar to this Jin-de-siklc; tourists on 
every remaining Tor, the granite of which may not have been 
good enough for London Police Stations, and trippers staring 
at the reservoirs, calling them pretty, like the Serpentine. 

I loath the very thought of our pure water, caught as it is 
by our high hills from the heavens, and held for us by those 
blessed bogs, conducted into pipes, taken to London by Act 
of Parliament, eventually to flush the sewers of the modem 
Babylon. To what base uses we may return ! 

The Local Government Act, 1888, under which the County 
Councils were established, was unfortunately not so carefully 
protective of our rights of common, of our open spaces, and 
of our rights of way, as the Local Government Act, 1894 
Dartmoor Forest itself is in the Parish of Lydford, but the 
rights over it, as has already been said, are very extensive. 
All the parishes around it, whose Parish Councils or Parish 
Meetings have powers under the Act, such parishes also being 
included in several districts with their Councils, exercise 
these, to them, very valuable rights. Much of the details 
of the Local Government Act, 1894, were entrusted to the 
County Councils to be, by them, made effective ; it is not, 
therefore, asking too much of the County Council to call 
upon them to undertake the protection of the rights of 
common of so many parishes in the County. 

The quantity of land that has been enclosed and appro- 
priated by the Duchy, all of which has been shown to be 
illegal, is astonishing ; and although the Duchy may now be 
protected by the statutes, there is surely in such a body as 
the Duchy of Cornwall a moral sense, in the face of the 
judgment of Jessel on the right of inclosure, which would 
move the Duchy to treat readily with the County Council, 
if the Duchy were properly approached. If no approach is 
made at all, if the County Council shew no sign, take no 
interest whatever in Dartmoor, the natural conclusion on 
the part of the Duchy would be, that the Devonshire people 
do not value it, are careless of what becomes of it, and as 
it is a troublesome property for the Duchy to manage, that it 
had better be sold to the highest bidder. 

It is not an uncommon characteristic in human nature not 
to know the value of what we have until we have lost it. 
When we have lost Dartmoor, there will be lamentations 


throughout the land, but it will be too late, and we shall be 
crying over spilt milk, like little children who have not the 
foresight to see the value of what it is possible to lose. 

I say, without hesitation, that it is the imperative duty of 
the County Council to take up this matter without further 
delay, and to exercise all their best powers, their knowledge 
of affairs, and the business talent at their command, to open a 
treaty for the purchase of Dartmoor with the Duchy of Corn- 
wall, with all due propriety and respect for that Eoyal Office. 

If it should be found that the London County Council had 
forestalled us, and had already entered into a treaty with the 
Duchy, we have only Parliament to protect us ; and, in that 
case, we should have not only to promote a Bill in our own 
interest, but also to oppose, with all our might, the Bill of 
the London County Council, or of the Duchy itself, enabling 
the one to buy and the other to selL 

The water supply alone ought to be enough to rouse, for 
the sake of their rights, the men of Okehampton, of 
Tavistock, of Plymouth, Devonport, and Stonehouse, of Kings- 
bridge, of Dartmouth and Totnes, of Torquay, of Newton 
Abbot, of Teignmouth, of Ashburton and Buckfastleigh, of 
Moreton Hampstead, of Chagford, of Barnstaple, and the 
towns on the Taw. 

Such a force would be ready to turn and rend the County 
Council, if, by their neglect, they lost their right to a full 
supply of pure water, their rights of commoQ, and the right 
to enjoy free foot on the Forest. 

If the present generation do not fully realise the value of 
the Forest, generations to come will, and will curse the 
apathy of those who lost it for Devonshire. 

It is not too much for this, the Devonshire Association, to 
ask the Devonshire County Council to take the matter into 
serious consideration, without loss of time, seeing that loss of 
time may be loss of Dartmoor. A Committee might be 
appointed to inquire and report, which, at least, could put 
the County Council in possession of the facts — a Com- 
mittee of men who have some sympathy with those of 
the West of Devon, who regard Dartmoor as a land of 
great peculiarity, of great utility, of surpassing interest ; a 
land of natural beauty, in some respects the more wild the 
more beautiful, a study for those who delight to trace the 
relics of primitive Man, a land in which the gentle rain from 
Heaven droppeth in profusion, to cleanse and purify us, 
giving us rich, deep valleys and pastures, charming us with 
the scenery of woodland and river. 


(Bead at Okehampton, July, 1895.) 

In his Second Sheaf of Devon Bibliography, which was read 
at the Barnstaple Meeting of the Devonshire Association in 
1890, the Rev. J, I. Dredge includes the name of Samuel 
Stoddon, who was one of the Nonconformist divines ejected 
in 1662 from Buckland, Somersetshire. As he has there 
given a most exhaustive account of the various works of 
Samuel Stoddon, this paper must necessarily be very briet 
Having, however, the privilege of claiming a rather close 
connection with one of the descendants of the Stoddon 
family, who has in his possession some relics, which have 
been handed down for several generations, and are still 
carefully preserved, I have ventured to contribute this little 
addendum to Mr. Dredge's paper. 
The articles to which I refer are : — 

1. The original license by King Charles IL for Samuel 

Stoddon to conduct service in a house at Woodbury. 

2. A silver-headed walking-stick of Samuel Stoddon. 

3. Contemporary portraits of Samuel Stoddon and his 


All these are now in the possession of Mr. William Pring, 
of the Mount, Mold, Flintshire, and came into his hands 
through his grandmother, Mary Buncombe, of Staplehay, 
near Taunton, whose maiden name was Stoddon, and so far 
as I have been able to ascertain, she was the last of that 

I trust it will not be out of place for me to give a brief 
description of each of the articles above referred to. The 
license, a reduced facsimile of which accompanies this paper, 
is in an excellent state of preservation. The greater portion 
of it is printed, having the blanks filled up in writing, with 


the name and persuasion of the licensee, and the place in 
which he was licensed to "teach," together with the date, etc. 
On the top left-hand corner are the remains of what appears 
to be a red wafer or seal, with the signature " Charles 22.," 
and at the bottom is the signature " Arlington* 9 It is on a 
sheet of paper, 8£ inches by 11£ inches. The license runs 
as follows : — 

" Charles R 

"Charles by the Grace of God King of England, Scotland, 
France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c, To all Mayors, 
Bayliffs, Constables, and other Our Officers and Ministers, Civil 
and Military, whom it may concern, Greeting. In pursuance of 
Our Declaration of the 15 th of March 167 J We do hereby per- 
mit and license Samuel Stodden of the Presbyterien Perswasion to 
be a Teacher of the Congregation allowed by Us in a Roome or 
Roomes in the howse of Andrew Holwill in Woodberry Devon for 
the use of such as do not conform to the Church of England, who 
are of the Perswasion commonly called Presbyterien. With further 
license and permission to him the said Samuel Stodden to teach in 
any place licensed and allowed by Us according to our said De- 
claration. — Given at Our Court at Whitehall, the first day of May 
in the 24 th year of Our Eeign 1672. 

" By His Majesties Command, 

" Stodden a Teacher." " Arlington." 

The stick is of lignum vitse, and is altogether 2 ft. 11£ in. 
long, having on the top an interlaced design, with the initials 
"S.S.," and the date "1675." This, too, is in excellent 
condition, showing how it must have been treasured by 
those who were, doubtless, proud to claim relationship with 
one of the representatives of a body of learned and devout 
men, who played no unimportant part in the history of 
their country, the results of which are felt even at the 
present day, and will be so, I venture to predict, as long 
as our country endures. 

Palmer, in his Nonconformists* Memorial, remarks that " it 
is said that after his" (Stoddon's) "ejectment he practised 
physic," an allusion to which is made by Stoddon in the 
epistle dedicatory to his Gemitus Sanctorum, where he 
speaks of having studied to be serviceable to the "bodily 
health " of the inhabitants of Sidbury and the parts adjacent 
in the County of Devon. The walking-stick in question is 
just such a one as would form part of the regular outfit of 
a physician of that period. 

The portraits of Samuel Stoddon and his wife are in 
oil, painted on canvas, and are evidently the work of an 


artist of no mean ability. They are 2ft. 6in. by 2 ft. 1 in. 
Of the latter I can say but little, save that, judging from her 
countenance, Mrs. Stoddon appears to have been a lady 
of a decidedly strong-minded character. That of Samuel 
Stoddon is, undoubtedly, the original from which the 
portrait in Palmer's Nonconformists Memorial was copied, 
and which is there stated to be in the possession of Mr. 
Stoddon, of Trull, near Taunton, for the two are almost 
identical About six inches from the top of the picture, 
on the right hand side, is this inscription : " (Etaiis Sua 40. 
Ano ; 1676." 

The two pictures were in a very shabby condition on 
coming into Mr. Pring's possession, but fortunately were 
not seriously damaged, and now that they have been care- 
fully cleaned, &c, are in very good preservation, as may 
be seen from the accompanying copies of them, which were 
made in the present year (1895). 

8 , 


6 5 

r£ "I *> 1 £HI "Tdl ^-| 

5 a 5 c ^ 8 V 5 


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TORBAY, 1667. 

(Bad ml Okahimpton, Jnly, 189S.) 

What constituted Piracy in bygone days, must have been 

a much-debated question, and which seems to have been 

settled according to individual taste. In time of peace 

things were bad enough, there was no lack of excitement; 

but in time of war, and the free use of privateering, a life 

afloat must have been as full of danger as the boldest and 

most venturesome need desire. Whatever mistakes Cromwell 

may have made during his rule of England, in one respect 

at least, he was the right man in the right place ; he would 

stand no nonsense in matters maritime. The nation was 

better represented at sea then, than it had ever been before, 

and life on the South Coast and in the Channel, must have 

been blissful, compared to the period which preceded, and 

immediately succeeded, the Protectorate. His admiral, Blake, 

annihilated the Dutch Fleet; destroyed the Spanish Fleet 

Santa Cruz ; bombarded Algiers, and burnt the piratical 

ft there assembled ; and generally, to use a nautical 

n-essiou, made things look a little more ship-shape. 

And yet within ten years after the victory at Santa Cruz, 

.at a change had come over the scene 1 The Stuarts had 

:n restored, and the Merry Monarch was on the throne; 

i much good be was doing there. In this particularly 

irious year, 1667, the Dutch Fleet, under De Ruyter, had 

tered the Thames, blown up the Fort at Sheerness, and 

ik our ships at Chatham. Then, sailing down the Channel 

i carrying everything before him, he looked into Torbay, 

d made prizes of all the shipping lying at anchor there. 


In this same year 1667, or rather, according to the historical 
year, 1668, an incident occurred in Torbay, which although 
trivial in itself, will show to what a contemptible condition 
we had been brought. 

England had made peace with France and Holland, and 
was, to all appearances, on good terms with everybody ; but 
Louis XIV. had declared war against Spain, with the view 
of taking the Spanish Netherlands, on which he had cast long- 
ing eyes. We having nothing to do with the quarrel were 
neutral, and our ports were open to both parties as long as 
they kept the peace. 

On February 8th, the St Mary of Ostend was quietly 
riding at anchor in Torbay, having been driven in by stress 
of weather. Her Captain, Peter Mountsfield, would naturally 
consider that being in English waters, he, a Spanish subject, 
would be in perfect safety ; but the times were rough, and 
right but too often lay with might While thus at his ease, 
his dream of security was rudely interrupted by the appear- 
ance of two French men-of-war coming round Berry Head, 
and which, he may perhaps have known, were under the 
command of La Roche, a right bold son of Neptune. This 
gallant officer was one of the most distinguished men in the 
French Navy ; he had done good service in various parts 
of the world, and was high in favour with his master and 
King. In 1666 his fleet of six vessels was defeated in one 
of the many fights in the Channel, and he had been obliged 
to surrender himself and his ship, Le Bubis, to Admiral Sir 
Thomas Allin. When brought to England as a prisoner of 
war, he was sent to Court, and received a most flattering 
reception from King Charles, who gave him his liberty. 
Victories were not common with us just then, for Mr. Samuel 
Pepys' notes as follows : 

" November 2nd. On board the Ruby, French prize, the only 
ship-of-war we have taken from any of our enemies this year. It 
seems a very good ship, but with galleries quite round the sterne 
to walk in as a balcone, which will be taken down." 

There were other reasons for treating La Roche generously, 
in addition to the fact that the capture of his or any ship was 
an unwonted occurrence. It appears that the English Royal 
Family were somewhat indebted to this gentleman. During 
our Civil wars, Prince Rupert, while on his way to France, 
was nearly captured by a Parliamentarian vessel. He landed 
at some small town, on the French coast, and the Roundhead 
Captain threatened to blow down the place, if the refugee 


were not given up. La Roche, who chanced to be present, 
managed, by tact and firmness, to obviate this catastrophe; 
and conducted the Prince to Nantes. If Rupert had been 
surrendered to the English, he ran a risk of being sent to the 
Tower, and perhaps to Tower Hill, in company with the 
headsman ; that is, if the Parliamentarian Captain did not 
string him up at a yard-arm: truly he was an unpopular 
person with his uncle's foes, and would have received bat 
scant mercy at their hands. Consequently, the Court party 
would be only too pleased to make much of a man who had 
been so useful. 

In order to make this account of what took place complete, 
we must make another quotation from Pepys' Diary. 

"February 19th. In the evening to Whitehall, where I find 
S* W. Coventry a great while with the Duke of York, in the 
King's drawing-room ; they two talking together all alone, which 
did mightily please me. I do hear how La Roche, a French 
Captain, who was prisoner here, being with his ships at Plymouth, 
hath played some freaks there, for which his men being beat oat of 
the town, he hath put up a flag of defiance, and also some where 
there about, did land with his men, and go a mile into the country, 
and did some pranks, which sounds pretty odd to our disgrace; 
but we are in a condition to bear anything." 

La Roche had evidently been annoyed by the treatment 
his men had received at Plymouth, in, perhaps, what looks 
very like a riot, and was determined to have his revenge on 
some one. As ill-luck would have it, he put into Torbay, and 
saw the Ostender, and here was his chance. The Ostender 
was a Spanish subject, the two nations were at war ; and he 
would run the risk of the vessel being in English waters. 

Captain Peter Mountsfield recognised the danger of his 
position directly he saw the French flag, and raising his 
anchor promptly, he brought the St. Mary "unto a small 
village called Torkay, and there haled on shore within the 
Peere, for securing themselves against the French men of 
Warre, and landing their two gunns, with their amunition, 
sailes and other materials belonging to their vessel, they put 
them into the custody of Daniel! Luscombe, an inhabitant of 

The next day, Sunday the 9th, La Roche sent several boat- 
loads of men ashore, and marched them into "Torkay," where- 
upon the Ostenders fled, after having first scuttled their 
vessel. Where La Roche landed his men, we are not likely 
to know ; perhaps on Tor Abbey Sands, and marched them 
along the foot of the cliff, on the site of the present Torbay 


Road : or if the tide was in, by the Rock Walk, for that was 
the only pathway near the sea-line. They appear to have 
found out where Mountsfield had hidden his guns, etc., 
etc., for the Frenchmen took them out of Luscombe's custody, 
and carried them away; and then, having at low water 
stopped the holes made in the St. Mary, took her out as 

The little Peere, here alluded to, was in front of the house 
on the Victoria Parade, now known as the Yacht Hotel. It 
has long since been swept away, and perhaps partly buried 
under the sea-wall, which forms the east side of the Old 

Daniell Luscombe must have been a person of some im- 
portance in those days. His tombstone is in Torre Church, 
inside the altar rails, and the inscription says, " Here lyeth 
the Body of Daniell Luscombe, Gent., of this Parish, who was 
buried the 18th day of March, A.D., 1687." In the seven- 
teenth century, and even later, the distinction between the 
various social ranks was very clearly marked, and hence it 
may be safely assumed that the description "Gent." would 
not have been allowed, if there had not been some very 
positive claim to the title. Indeed, the word "Gent." has 
been cut a second time, and in a later type, as if one of his 
descendants wished to emphasize the fact of his ancestor's 
quality. Among the deeds of the Ridgeway family, is an 
entry to the following effect: To Daniell Luscombe was 
leased, January 29th, 1663, all the messuage or dwelling 
house, situated at Fleete, lately in the occupation of Joanna 
Yeo, widdo." Again, in 1670, the same Daniell Luscombe 
had a grant of a lease, dated September 29th, of " all that 
Messuage or Mansion House, situate, lying, or being at Fleete, 
otherwise Torkey, within the Parish of Tormohun aforesaid, 
hitherto in the occupation of Anthony Hoppins, late of 
Torkey, blacksmith, deceased." What the " Gent." was going 
to do with the blacksmith's house, deponent sayeth not; 
perhaps he might have wanted it for stores, or other com- 
mercial purposes; but evidently Daniell Luscombe was a 
good and serviceable tenant of the Ridgeway family. At this 
date, Tor Abbey was in the hands of the Cary family, and 
Torwood belonged to the Ridgeways; and was purchased 
from their descendants about one hundred years later by Sir 
Robert Palk. 

A certain amount of interest is attached to the use of the 
word Torquay. In Luscombe's first lease, 1663, the name is 
"Fleete," which means a salt-water tided creek, and which 


name survives to-day, in Fleet Street In 1667-8, Mounts- 
field describes the place of his misfortune as " Torkay " ; and 
in 1670, the date of Luscombe's second lease, the place is 
described as "Fleete, otherwise Torkey." It is clear then, 
that between 1660 and 1670, the name of Torquay was 
gradually being used, and introduced to describe the few 
houses and sheds scattered around the harbour of these days, 
and what is now called Fleet Street 

La Roche and his prize gone, nothing remained for the ' 
owners to do but to make complaint of the outrage to the 
proper authorities ; and so, in due course, the story reached 
the ears of Mr. Samuel Fepys, and, on reference to this 
worthy's Diary, we find the following : 

"February 29 th .-— They tell me how S* Thomas Allin hath 
taken the Englishmen out of La Roche's ship, and taken from him 
an Ostend prize which La Roche had fetched out of our harbours. 
And at this day La Roche keeps upon our coasts, & had the 
boldness to land some men & go a mile up into the country, & 
there took some goods belonging to this prize out of a house there; 
which our King resents, and, they say, hath wrote to the King of 
France about. And everybody do think a war will follow, & 
then in what a case we shall be for want of money, nobody 

What comfort and relief poor Mountsfield would have 
obtained from Charles II. writing to his brother, Louis of 
France, is very doubtful — probably not much. It was lucky 
for him that a good angel in the person of Sir Thomas Allin 
interested himself in the matter. It is evident, from Allin's 
reports, that he had been informed of La Roche's escapade, 
but not having received orders from the Admiralty, he had 
to act with great caution. Pepys makes a great point of the 
" mile up into the country " — he mentions it twice. It may 
mean from the point where the boats landed the men to 
Torkey ; or it may be a bit of artistic license, inserted with 
the view of bringing about a more speedy retribution on the 
offenders, and restoration of the prize to its lawful owners. 
On the other hand, this is not the only piece of bravado 
perpetrated in English waters by La Roche; he quite well 
knew what he was about, and that there was not the 
slightest risk of a casus belli being made out of anything 
he might do in Torbay, or at the "small village called 
Torkay." Let us hope that Mountsfield received the St. 
Mary from the hands of Sir Thomas Allin, and that he 
took her safe home to Ostend ; certain it is, that she was 
taken away from La Roche. 




No. L 

" An accompt of what passed between Monsieur La Roche and 
2 french men of war under his command, and a vessel called the 
S'- Mary of Ostend, Capt. Peter Mountsfield, Commander, accord- 
ing as the same is attested upon oath by Hendricke Walker of 
Ostend, Mariner, late Pylot of the said shipp, S'- Mary, and Jan 
de Eoo of Ostend, late Master's mate of the said shipp. Examined 
before Thomas Newman, Deputy Vice Admiral of the County of 
Devon, the 14 th of February 1667. And alsoe by John de Sta of 
Ostend, purser of the said shipp, Jacob de Blow, Lewis Francis, 
& Francis Rodriguez Manin, all belonging to the said shipp. 
Sworne & examined before S" Gills Sweit, Knight surrogate 
unto the Judge of the High Court of Admiralty of England the 
19 th of February 1667. 

"The said vessell, called the &• Mary of Ostend, being by 
reason of foule weather and want of fresh water put into Tor Bay 
in the aforesaid County of Devon and riding at an anchor there. 
On Saturday the 8 th of February, 1667, two French men of warre 
under the command of Monsieur la Roche appeared, coming into 
the Bay from the Westward. Upon which the Ostenders finding 
them to be enemyes, they weighed anchor, and carried the said 
vessell, S*- Mary into a small village called Torkay, and there 
haled her on shore within the Peere for secureing themselves 
against the French men of warre, and landing their two gunns, 
with their amunition sailes and other materials belonging to their 
vessell. They put them into the custody of Daniell Luscombe, an 
inhabitant of Torkay. 

" The 9 th of February being Sunday Mons La Roche sent in 
severall boates with Ordnance in them which at severall turnes 
fetched from his shipps a considerable number of men armed with 
musketts, and landed them at some distance from Torkay whence 
the said men marched upp to Torkay in a warlike manner. Upon 
whose approach the commander and company of the &** Mary not 
being able to resist so great a number fled and left their vessell. 
Which M r La Roche's men forthwith by violence possessed them- 
selves of as she was so lying close haled upp to the kay and 
fastened there with 2 cables. And they alsoe entered into the 
House of the said Daniell Luscombe and tooke from thence the 
sailes, ammunition, and other materialls of the said vessell that 
were landed there. And having at low water stopped the holes 
that the Ostenders had made in the said vessell to sinke her that 
the French might not carry her off, they carryed off the said 
vessell the S L Mary into Tor Bay under the sterne of one of the 
French shipps. 


" Monsieur La Roche comeing afterwards with his shipps into 
Cowes Road about the 15 th of February 1667, mett with a boate 
belonging to a vessell of Ostend commanded by Capt Barron, 
wherein were the steersman of the said shipp and three mariners, 
which boate and men they seized upon under the Command of 
Cowes Castle, and doo still deteyne her and keepe the men 

No. II. 

" For Joseph Williamson Esqr 

" Secretary to Lord Arlington 

" Chief Secretary of State. 

" This may advise you that Monsieur Le Roche, and one French 
man of war more is here, who had taken the Mary of Ostend out 
of the Chamber and Roades of his Majesty of Great Britaine and 
which I have taken from him againe ; as alsoe 4 more, which are 
Ostenders, and all the Englishe men they had aboard, which I 
send ashoare at Portsmouth this day. There is a great fleet of 
ships at Cowes, bound to the Westward ; here is arrived the 
' Society ' from New England, very richly laden ; we have had 
very bad weather that our boats could not goe ashoare, therefor I 
could not advise you what passes here before this, not further but 

" Tour assured friend & humble servant 

"Thos Allin. 
" S pithead, aboard the ' Monmouth ' 
this l 8t of March 1667." 

Domestic Papers. Charles II. Vol. 235. No. 175. 

No. IIL 

" For the Right Honourable the Lord Arlington 

" Chief Secretary of State 

" Right Honourable 

" My good lord, your desires concerning the passages between 
me and La Roche and also Van Swaers is hereunder according to 
my journalL 

" On the 25 th of February (67) the wind at S. by E. I sailed by 
S i Hellens towards the Spitthead, where I met two French ships 
makeing out to sea ; they came turning to windward, theyr top- 
sayles settled halfmast in acknowledging his Majesty's sovereignty 
of the sea. They saluted me with Ave guns, I having no flag 
answered him as many, knowing him to be a Commander of a 
Squadron I called to him to come aboard, but at that time I had 
no orders to stop him ; he sent his lieutenant aboard, and one M r 
Tosse of Callis that spake English; he told me that Capt La 


Roche commanded the Julius Caesar, 40 gunner, and the other 
was Capt Michaw, commander of the Tiger, 36 gunner ; I desired 
the Lieutenant to send Mr Tosse aboard to entreat my old friend 
Mons La Roche and Capt Shelton aboard and dine with me, we 
coming all to an anchor together, which he did and they came 
about ten in the morning, and I sent for the other Captaine, alsoe 
our Captines coming all aboard, where we dined, and entertained 
them till night, having sent my Pinnace to Portsmouth to look for 
orders, but come away without any. 

"The 26 th the wind came to the S.S.W. & to the S.W. blew 
very hard, yet about 9 the french ships had got under sayle stand- 
ing out to sea, but their Pilots being unskilful!, brought them 
againe into the Roade, within nere two miles of us; about ten 
oclocke I received his Royal Highnesses orders, they left the &'* 
Mary prize at anchor by us for want of men to weigh his anchors, 
so 1 sent two boates and possest myself e of her; about 12 they 
came both to an anchor ; I sent for our Captaines aboard & told 
them I had received orders for the surprizing the (ship) taken 
from Torbay, foure men which La Roche had taken out of an 
Ostend man of wars boate under Cowes Castle, & all the English 
that were on board them ; & for the present doing of it I ordered 
them to heave up to the splices of their cables & to have all things 
in readiness to cut together & set sayle when I should make them 
a signe, and to anchor to seaboard of them that they should not 
set sayle but they must fall aboard of us. 

"This we did with all expedition, & being anchored in good 
order, sent my boate for La Roche and Capt. Shelton ; La Roche 
pretended himselfe sicke of his drinking the day before, but I 
imagine he apprehended more danger, but sent his Lieutenant & 
Capt. Shelton to whom I declared what I must take from him 
which he did deliver without any manner of dispute & being 
possessed of what I had orders for, weighed presently, & being in 
shoald water, about 5 fathoms neare a sand called the horse, we 
stood about two miles from them into deep water, and anchored 
that night, sending away an expresse to his Royal Highness of 
what had passed. 

tt 27th ^\r e g £ our caD le8 that we cut & anchored and sayled to 
the Spitthead where we had very foule weather. The first of 
March being Sunday & handsome weather La Roche & his 
Consort set sayle as they told us for Dieppe Roade, & had next 
day a storm of wind westerly. Thus much for La Roche 

" Your honours most obliged servant 

"Tho8 Allin 
" aboard the Monmouth 
in the Downes, this 3 rd of June 1668." 

Domestic State Papers. Charles II. Vol. 241, no. 61. A 



BT W. 0. LAKE, M.D. 

(Read at Okehampton, July, 1805.) 

There were points in which the winter of the present year, 
1895, has reminded me so much of the " Crimean " winter of 
1855, that I have thought that a comparison of the meteor- 
ological elements of the two periods, as observed in each case 
by myself, at Teigninouth, might be of interest to the 
members of the Devonshire Association. 

The observations, in both cases, were taken in the north 
garden of my house, by instruments as nearly as possible 
alike, though not actually the same, from the breakage 
of the original instruments. Those used in 1855 were 
by Messrs. Negretti and Zambra, compared with a 
standard and certified by Mr. Glaisher. Those used in the 
present year were also by Messrs. Negretti and Zambra, and 
have Kew certificates. The former instruments were placed 
to the north of the house, at a distance of three feet and a- 
half from its wall, on a stand constructed of a post 
planted firmly in the ground, and having at its upper end a 
slice of wood large enough to receive the thermometers, and 
supplied at the top with a wooden pent projecting seven inches 
outwards. By this means the instruments had around them a 
free circulation of air, but were protected from radiation, while 
they never received any of the rays of the sun, except for a short 
time in the height of the summer just before sunset. The dry 
and wet bulb thermometers had their bulbs at a height of 3 ft. 
10 in. from the ground. The present instruments are placed in 
the same garden, but in a Stevenson's stand, and sufficiently 
far from the house to be in the full sunshine, except for a 
short time in the depth of winter. In November, 1875, 
I made some observations between two certified minimum 
thermometers, one placed in the Stevenson stand, the other 

THE FROSTS *? 1855 AND 1895. 235 

in the old stand ; and the mean difference was only 2 in 
excess, as to the readings of that in the old stand over that 
in the new. I think, therefore, that we may fairly take the 
observations for the two years as being directly comparable. 

The month of October, 1854, had had a mean temperature 
of 0*4 above the average, as drawn from the mean of 
eighteen years. That of November had been 3'3 below the 
average, while the mean maximum, mean minimum, and 
mean temperature of December had been in each case fully 
2*0 above the average. This temperature continued into the 
opening month of 1855 ; and at the commencement of the 
year, violets, laurustinus, chrysanthemums, and a scarlet 
geranium, against the south wall of the house, were in bloom, 
and the passion-flower showed its flower-buds half-expanded. 
Mild weather continued till the 14th of the month, but 
from the 10th till the 12th thick fog prevailed. On the 
15th and 16th the temperature fell, and on the 17th 
severe frost set in, and the minimum temperature fell 
every night below the freezing - point till February the 
4th. On three of these days the maximum temperature 
was also below 32, and the wind throughout was from the 
north-east or north. Snow fell on the 19th, measuring 
003 inches, but thawed on the 22nd, on which day the 
maximum temperature rose to 408. It snowed again, with 
high wind, on the 30th, and again on February 1st, the depth 
on these two days together being, when melted, 0*48 in. 
February 2nd was a very bleak day, with high N.E. wind 
and heavy snow, but in the evening this turned to sleet, and 
on the next day to heavy rain, with a rise of temperature, 
which broke up the frost for the time. The mingled snow, 
sleet, and rain that fell, as measured on the morning of 
February 3rd, amounted to 1*46 in. Three days of mild, 
intensely damp weather now occurred, the maximum tempera- 
ture rising from 29*7, on February 2nd, to 456 on February 
3rd, and the minimum from 28*3, on the 3rd, to 410 on the 
4th ; but on the 6th the temperature again fell. A little 
snow fell on the 8th, changing to rain in the night, in 
amount 0*75 in., and on this day a second period of 
severe frost commenced, lasting till the 23rd of the 
month. From the 8th to the 22nd of February the 
minimum temperature was every night below the freezing 
point, and on four days the maximum temperature also was 
below 32. The wind was persistently from the N.E. and E., 
and the air was very dry. Nothing fell after the rain of the 
nights of the 8th and 9th, till the 22nd, when snow fell, 

R 2 

236 THE FEOSTS OF 1855 AND 1895, 

measuring, when melted, 007 in. Rain followed, with a rise 
of temperature and westerly winds, and the frost finally gave 
way, rain falling every day till the 5th of March. 

Of these two periods of frost, the second was much more 
severe than the first. During the first frost the mean 
maximum temperature of the air was 361, the mean 
minimum 27*9, the mean temperature 32*0, the mean 
humidity 78 per cent. The lowest minima were 25*3 on 
January 20th, and 25*4 on January 18th and 29th. The 
highest maxima were 408 on January 22nd, and 40*2 on 
January 26th; the lowest maxima 297 on February 3rd, 
31*6 on January 31st, and 318 on January 20th. The 
lowest mean temperature for a day was 28 5 on January 20th 
and February 2nd. During the second frost the mean 
maximum temperature was 33*2, the mean minimum 251, 
the mean temperature 291, the mean humidity 65 per cent 
The lowest minima were 200 on February 11th, and 20*8 on 
the 15th. The highest maxima were 386 on February 9th, 
and 366 on the 22nd; the lowest maxima, 266 on February 
17th, 29-9 on the 13th, 30-2 on the 18th, and 30*3 on the 10th. 
The lowest mean temperature for a day was 24*4 on February 

The mean temperature of January, 1855, was 38'3 
or 33 below the average; that of February 33*4, or 92 
below the average ; that of March was 404, or 3*4 below the 
average ; that of April 47*3, or 0*3 below the average ; that 
of May 50*6, or 23 below the average ; that of June 57'2, or 
1*5 below the average ; but the four months from July to 
October had each a mean temperature respectively of 9, 
1*5, 01, and 1*3, above the average. In November and 
December there was, however, again a defect of mean 
temperature, and greater in November than in December. 

The effect of the frost on vegetation, followed as it was by 
a backward Spring, was very apparent. The laurustinus 
certainly continued in flower till the first week of February ; 
but the lilac and laburnum were not in flower till the 
third week in May, and the hawthorn not till June. The 
myrtles were much cut, though not materially injured, and a 
tine, but old, verbena (Aloyesia citriodora) in the garden 
of the house next my own was killed, whilst a younger 
plant in my own garden did not throw out its leaves till the 
end of the third week in June. 

In turning now to the present winter — the last months of 
1894 had each a mean temperature above the average to the 
extent of # 8 for October, 1-9 for November,, and 3*1 for 


December. Among other plants in my garden exhibiting 
flowers on Christmas Day were the following roses : Gloire 
de Dijon, Souvenir de Malmaison, and Celine Forestier ; the 
hydrangea, the fuchsia, one of the sweet -willow -leaved 
veronicas, pyrus Japonica, pansies, violets, Fragaria vesca, 
and a large grey clematis (Lord Londesborough). Of wild 
plants I had found in flower Knautia arvensis on December 
3rd, on the 12th Rubus fruticosus and Ballota nigra, and 
on the 27th a solitary specimen of Origanum vulgare. The 
lowest minimum temperature in October was 35*7, in 
November 373, and it had not been lower than 34*1 in 
December, till the last night of the month, when it fell 
to 292. On the first two nights of the year the minimum tem- 
perature was below the freezing point, and again from January 
7th to 11th, while a little snow fell on the 10th and 12th. 
Notwithstanding this, the effect of the warmth of the fall 
of the year was still bringing out several wild flowers, some as 
lingerers from the Autumn, others as anticipators of the 
Spring. On January 1st, I found Chcerophyllum sylvestre, 
Sonctocs arvensis, and Lychnis dioica ; on the 11th, Lamium 
jpurpureum and Veronica buxbaumii; and on the 18th, 
Ranunculus bulbosus and Leontodon taraxacum; while in 
the gardens during this time might be found the primrose, 
polyanthus, and the purple large-leaved sweet veronica. 

But on January 26th the frost regularly set in, and the 
minimum temperature fell below the freezing-point on 
every night, with the exception of that of February 19th, 
till February 21st. On five days, viz., January 30th, and 
February 1st, 5th, 6th, and 7th, the day temperature also 
did not rise up to 32. A little snow had fallen on January 
10th and on the 12th, followed by very heavy rain, 
measuring altogether 188 inches, and rain fell every day till 
the 25th. A little snow fell again on the 25th and 26th, 
and snow on the 27th, 28th, and 29th, followed then by rain, 
altogether 0*49 inch; and there was a sprinkling of snow 
on the evening of the 31st, measuring, when melted, 0*01 
inch ; but no fall of rain or snow was measured by me for 
any day between January 31st and March 2nd. The total 
rainfall for January was 520 inches. 

During this frost of twenty-seven days' duration the 
wind was continuously from the north and east, being on 
some days very high, and the air was dry. The mean 
maximum temperature for the period was 351, the mean 
minimum 25*6, the mean temperature 303, the mean 
humidity 72 per cent. The lowest minima were 17*3 on 

238 THE FROSTS OF 1855 AND 1895, 

February 6th, 194 on February 8th, 200 on February 13th, 
and 20*9 on February 12th. The highest maxima were 40*9 
on February 21st, 399 on February 19th, 39*8 on February 
13th, and 38*0 on February 16th. The lowest maxima were 
31-9 on February 1st, 310 on February 7th, 30*4 on February 
5th, 301 on February 6th, and 28*5 on January 30th. The 
lowest mean temperatures for a day were 23*7 on February 
6th, 252 on February 7th, 274 on January 31st, and 27*5 
on February 1st. 

If now we compare the frosts of 1855 and 1895 together 
as to temperature and humidity, their meteorological elements 
will come out thus : — 


1895— Duration, 27 


Mean Maximum . 
„ Minimum 
„ Temperature . 
„ Humidity . 

. 35-1 
. 25-6 
. 30.3 
. 72 

Lowest Minimum . 
Lowest Mean Tempera- 
ture for a day 

1855. First frost — Duration, 18 days. 

Mean Maximum . 
„ Minimum 
„ Temperature 
„ Humidity . 

. 361 
. 27-9 
. 320 

. 78 

Lowest Minimum . 
Lowest Mean Tempera- 
ture for a day 

1855. Second frost — Duration 

, 15 day 8. 

Mean Maximum 
,, Minimum 
„ Temperature . 
„ Humidity 

. 33-2 
. 25-1 
. 29-1 
. 65 

Lowest Minimum . 
Lowest Mean Tempera- 
ture for a day . 



If the two periods of frost in 1855 are taken together, we 
then have : — 

1855 — Duration, 33 days. 

Mean Maximum , . .34*8 
„ Minimum . . 26*7 

„ Temperature .30*7 

„ Humidity . .72 

Or if, again, the whole period from January 17th to 
February 22nd, in 1855, be taken, we have: — 

1855 — Duration, 37 days. 

Mean Maximum . . .38*1 
„ Minimum . . 27*7 

„ Temperature .32*9 

„ Humidity ... 74 

Owing to the separation of the two periods of the frost of 
1855 by the three days of mild weather, and also the greater 



difference in length of the periods under comparison thus 
produced, it may be of advantage to compare the fifteen days 
of severest frost in 1855, February 8th to February 22nd, 
with the fifteen days of the severest part of the frost of 1895, 
viz., February 1st to the 15th. The elements for comparison 
of these two periods will then come out as follows : — 
1855 — Duration, 15 days. 







Lowest Minimum . 
Lowest Mean Tempera- 
ture for a day . 

. 0-84 inch. 

Lowest Minimum . • 
Lowest Mean Tempera- 
ture for a day . 


24 4 


Mean Maximum . .33*2 
Minimum . . 25 '1 
Temperature . . 29'1 
Humidity . . 65 
Total Rainfall 
1895 — Duration, 15 days. 
Mean Maximum . . 34*2 
Minimum . .24*6 
Temperature . .29*4 
Humidity . . 68 

Total Rainfall .... 

The points of similarity between the frosts of 1855 and 
1895 are the degree of the cold, the duration of the frost, its 
occurrence in greatest severity during February, the great 
dryness of the air, and the comparative absence of snow on 
the ground during its greatest intensity. I have no record 
of any period of prolonged frost at the same time of the year 
of anything like the same intensity, or having the same 
general character, nor, indeed, of any lengthened frost at any 
time that can compare with either of these two periods, 
except the frost of January, 1881 ; but this, besides being 
earlier in the year, was accompanied by much snow lying 
deeply on the ground, and showed a much greater humidity. 
It was, however, a period of greater cold, especially at night 
The minimum temperature was continuously below the 
freezing-point from January 8th to the 27th, except on the 
night of the 10th, and the elements of the frost, as compared 
with those given above, were as follows : — 

1881— Duration, 20 daya 


Mean Maximum . .38*4 

Minimum . . 23 9 

Temperature. . 31*1 

Humidity . . 83 

1881 — 15 days of greatest severity, from January 12th to 26th. 



Lowest Minimum . 
Lowest Mean Tempera- 
ture for a day . 


Mean Maximum . .36*5 
Minimum . 21*9 

Temperature. . 29*2 
Humidity . 84 

Total Rainfall (with Snow) 




Lowest Minimum . . 15*7 
Lowest Mean Tempera- 
ture for a day . .24*8 

1*58 inches. 

240 THE FROSTS OF 1855 AND 1895, 

The mean temperature of the whole month of January, 
1881, was 350, the lowest mean temperature for January 
that I have any record of. 

I have stated that the mean temperatures of October, 
November, and December, 1894, were in each case above the 
average. The mean temperature of January, 1895, was 36*2, 
or 5'4 below the average. That of February was 32*4, or 
10*2 below the average, the lowest mean temperature of 
which I have any record for February, or, indeed, for any 
month. The mean temperature of March was 43*9, or 01 
above the average ; that of April, 49 3, or 1*7 above the 
average ; that of May, 55*6, or 2'7 above the average ; and 
that of June, 61*0, or 23 above the average. 

The effect of the frost of 1895 on vegetation was equally 
severe with that of 1855. 

The tender veronicas were cut oft'; the double wall- 
flowers were largely killed, and even the white arabis 
was severely handled; while at the close of the frost the 
grass itself was faded and burnt, as after an unusually 
dry and hot summer, and the very hedges looked bare 
and withered. The myrtles were much cut, but not seriously 
hurt, and a fine verbena (Aloyesia citriodora) against the wall 
of my house, some twenty years old or more, and fully 
fifteen feet in height, was cut down to the lowest parts 
of the stock, though not killed. The favourable weather, 
however, of the spring, aided perhaps by the warmth 
of the previous fall, had its influence on vegetation, back- 
ward though it was. At the very close of the frost the 
snowdrops appeared in the garden, followed soon after 
by the crocuses. Cardamine hirsuta, and Ranunculus 
ficaria were in flower on the 14th March, and Veronica 
kedcri*olia on the 21st, but I did not notice Lamium 
purpureum in flower again till the 30th, nor was PotentUla 
fragariastrum in flower till the 9th April. The blackthorn 
(Prunus wdgaris) I found in flower in the third week of 
April. The verbena, mentioned above, was shooting out its 
fragrant leaves at the very commencement of May, and the 
horse-chestnut and lilac were in bloom in the second week of 
that month. When the frost had once passed the grass rapidly 
recovered itself, and soon showed a verdure the more vivid, 
perhaps, by contrast with its former faded state ; while the 
high temperature of the second week of May so forced on the 
still backward foliage of the trees, that before the middle of 
the month the elms and beeches were fully clothed, and glad- 
dening the sight with their fresh beauty in the hues of spring. 


I have subjoined tables giving the maximum and mini- 
mum shade temperatures, the humidity, the wind, and 
the rainfall for each day in January and February, 1855, and 
January and February, 1895- The degrees of humidity for 
1855 have been re-calculated according to the Hygrometrieal 
Tables, of Mr. Glaisher, published in 1869 ; and the force of 
the wind in 1855 has been given according to the scale 0-12. 


Thermometers in the shade. 


Mm. 41. 9 34-S 85 Total 0.39 Una. 37-6 Z9.3 81 Total 3. 61 

383 33-4 



9 a.m. Thermometers in the shade. 




BT A. R. HUNT, M.A., F.L.8., F.G.8. 
(Read at Okehampton, July, 1895.) 


It is impossible to look back over the records of the Devon- 
shire Association, without noticing how suddenly geological 
research, which at one time occupied its full share of our 
Transactions, died out Old workers ceased to contribute, 
and no young ones came forward — a remarkable fact, when 
it is considered what an excellent opportunity for publica- 
tion the Association offers to any serious investigator. The 
explanation suggested in the following paper is that no 
provincial work can survive in the face of persistent neglect, 
opposition, misrepresentation, and obloquy, by representative 
leaders of the science at headquarters. Research under 
such circumstances is practically impossible. The Oeological 
Society was founded to promote the study of the mineral 
structure of the earth. For many years past considerable 
effort has been made, and with much success, on the part of 
influential members, both of that Society and of the British 
Association, to repress such study. The science boycott is a 
far more formidable engine than might at first sight appear, 
one of its indirect effects being that the boycottee is not 
favoured with reprints of scientific papers. Indeed, the 
chief advantage of getting a paper into the Journal of the 
Geological Society is the cross in the list of members classing 
a Fellow as among the active workers of the Society. I felt 
my way towards this useful mark on three occasions, with 
reference to the Submarine Geology of the Channel, Waves, 
and the Rounding of Sand-grains ; but discretion being the 
better part of valour, I made a strategic movement to the rear. 
Having regard to the manner in which that august body 


of scientists suppressed the Kent's Cavern evidence in 
1846, thereby losing for Great Britain the honour of 
solving the problem of the antiquity of man, I deemed 
it best to offer my facts to the Society with much the 
same reserve as the Sibyl dealt with King Tarquin, and 
with much the same result except that the Sibyl returned, 
and I did not. l One thing I must admit with utmost grati- 
tude. When the scientific boycott was well nigh triumphant, 
the Editors of the Geological Magazine gave me access to 
their hospitable columns, than which no knight could wish 
a fairer field. 

In such miscellaneous work as mine has been, all success 
must necessarily depend on the helping hands of colleagues. 
Among those to whom my thanks are specially due, are my 
Cambridge friends, who have one and all been most helpful, 
from my first half-hour's demonstration on the microscope 
by Mr. Tawney, at the commencement of the Channel blocks 
research, to the final acceptance of the collection by Professor 
Hughes for the Museum, and long after. To the Director- 
General and the Members of the Survey I am particularly 
grateful for their camaraderie while, for a short time, working 
at the Devon schists. My second half-hour's demonstration 
on the microscope, this time at Jermyn Street from Mr. 
Teall, enabled me, when the time came, to detect tourmaline 
at the Start; and it is the simple truth that without 
Mr. Ussher I should never have tackled the schists at all, 
and without Mr. Teall I should not have had the technical 
skill to recognise the detrital tourmaline. Of Mr. Pengelly 
and Mr. Tawney it is hard to speak ; their loss seems greater 
as the years roll on. The memory of the just is blessed. 
Requiescant in pace. 

It is now about six years since at Tavistock in 1889, in 
my concluding paper on the Submarine Geology of the 
English Channel off the coast of South Devon, I en- 
deavoured to sum up the conflicting arguments for and 
against the Devonian age of the Devonshire schists, which 
had been maintained up to the date referred to. 

This very old problem had been started afresh at the 
Ilfracombe Meeting of the Devonshire Association, by my 
paper on a block of granite from the Salcombe fishing 
grounds. That paper had been handed to Mr. Pengelly 
in manuscript, to enable him to utilise its facts in the 

1 Vide Appendix. 


preparation of his own paper on "The Metamorphosis 
of the Eocks extending from Hope Cove to Start Bay, 
South Devon" {Trans. Dev. Assoc. 1879), which followed 
it immediately in the Transactions, and in which Mr. 
Pengelly assumed 2 that the slates to the northward 
of the schists "are certainly, and the schists probably, 
amongst the most recent Devonian deposits in South 
Devon." Mr. Pengelly maintained, in conclusion, that 
the hypothesis of a submarine granitoid formation, ex- 
tending from the Channel to Dartmoor, accounted for, 
(1) the northerly dip, as well as (2) the metamorphosis 
of the Start and Bolt schists; (3) for the gneissic and, 
perhaps, granitic origin of the Eddystone rocks ; (4) for 
the block of granite caught by the trawler in October, 
1878 ; (5) for the blocks of the same kind of rock lying 
beneath the cliffs, east of the Prawle ; and (6) for the crowd 
of granitoid pebbles immediately east of the River Erme. 

Now, this elaborate deduction was based on one of the 
most misleading coincidences which ever entrapped a 
cautious geologist. Geologists had declared that certain 
geological phenomena on shore, rendered it probable that 
the Dartmoor granite extended as a subterranean formation 
under South Devon, and probably formed the floor of the 
Channel off the southern headlands of the county. I was 
fortunate enough to succeed in obtaining a large number 
of crystalline rocks from the very locality indicated as likely 
to supply them. Most naturally it was concluded that the 
granitoid rocks found were the ones sought for, and that the 
post-Carboniferous Dartmoor rocks really reappeared under 
the waters of the English Channel. 

Before very long, evidence came to hand that the Channel 
crystalline rocks were very different from the Dartmoor 
varieties ; were probably much older, and therefore unequal 
to the task of giving rise to the metamorphic phenomena 
with which they had been credited. The Channel rocks, 
indeed, were considered of so generally ancient a type, in 
the case of the first half-dozen or so brought to land, that 
my colleague in the investigation, the late Mr. E. B. Tawney, 
suspected that the Devon schists might be pre-Cambrian, 
in other words Archaean, and took an early opportunity to 
examine them, in the expectation of being first in the field 
to proclaim their antiquity ; or, more strictly speaking, to 

2 '• It must be needless to remark that we are here dealing, not with the 
age of the Start and Bolt as rocks, but with the era of their metamorphosis." 
Pengelly, Trans. Dev. Assoc, xl 825. 


prove their antiquity, for the great age of the schists was 
one of the hypotheses of De La Beche and other geologists. 
Mr. Tawney came, he saw, but in this case he did not 
conquer. He returned to Cambridge, hoping at some future 
time to find leisure to tackle the problem effectually. 

In the following year I was compelled to admit that 
the hypothesis of the Dartmoor granite reappearing in the 
English Channel must be given up, albeit that this hypo- 
thesis had itself led to the discovery of the Channel granites. 
In 1881, I wrote: "If these typical granites and gneisses 
are of the age suggested (i.e. pre-Devonian), they can clearly 
have no claim to having had anything to do with the 
metamorphosis of the more modern Devonian slates of the 
Start and Bolt district" But I still clung to the many 
other crystalline rocks, syenite, gabbro, diabase, and diorite, 
as being possibly of later age than the deposition of the 
Devon schists, so firmly engrained had been the doctrine 
that the schists were Devonian, and subsequently metamor- 
phosed by some igneous rock in their neighbourhood. 

In December, 1882, Mr. E. B. Tawney went abroad for 
the Christmas vacation, and there died before the close of 
the year. When in Devonshire he had been a member of the 
Devon Association, and had contributed to its Transactions. 
His descriptions of rocks, appended to my own earlier Channel 
papers, are models of what such descriptions should be ; 
descriptions accurate and detailed of the minerals contained, 
and of their mode of occurrence — the full facts, unbiassed, 
left to speak for themselves. 

On the death of Mr. Tawney, I asked Professor Bonney to 
fill the void, as otherwise the Channel research could not 
continue. This he most kindly consented to do, concluding 
his reply with the cordial words, " So I will do my best to 
supply Mr. Tawney's place." This was written in February, 
1883. In my paper in August, 1883 (read at Exmouth), 
there appeared Mr. Tawney 's last six rock analyses, and 
Professor Bonney's first three. 

In the meantime, about a month after consenting to assist 
me, Professor Bonney, at Easter 1883, spent a few days on 
the Devonshire schists, and subsequently in November of 
the same year read a paper on the subject to the Geological 
Society of London. In this paper he claimed the Devon 
schists as of Archaean age, whilst expressing the opinion 
that they could not u be referred to the earlier portion of it." 8 

8 Q. J. G. S. xl. 24. 


Had Professor Bonney given me any hint as to his inten- 
tions, I could have warned him as to Mr. Tawney's inability 
to confirm his own pre-conceived idea that the schists were 
pre-Cambrian. As it was, I found myself in a difficulty. I 
had never myself wavered from the belief that the schists 
were Devonian, but in future Professor Bonney regarded 
any difference of opinion somewhat in the light of an 
impertinence. 4 I confess that Professor Bonney's confidence 
ultimately shook me, and I accepted his opinion at his own 

In the discussion that followed Prof. Bonney's paper, Dr. 
Hicks, F.R.S., agreed with the view that the schists were 
among the newer of the Archaean series. On the same 
occasion, in reply to a question, the Professor said that " the 
rocks dredged by Mr. Hunt in the Channel, were generally 
of a much older type than those of South Devon." This, 
under the circumstances, was equivalent to saying they were 
much older than the newer Archteans : a hard saying in the 
case of the sandstones, diabase, killas, diorites, gabbros, 
and serpentine ; to say nothing of the granites of unknown 

It will be observed that the great South Devon problem 
had executed a complete volte face. Prom Devonian rocks, 
metamorphosed by post-Carboniferous granites, the schists 
had become a series of newer Archseans, abutting against 
older Archaean crystalline rocks in the Channel 

The South Devon problem having been so promptly 
packed up and put away, I looked about for some unoccu- 
pied field for work, and lighted on Dartmoor ; oblivious, or 
ignorant, of the fact that my friends, Messrs. Ussher and 
Worth, had already made that district their own. Before 
discovering this fact, I had evolved a theory that the Dart- 
moor granite was an Archaean granite, much altered and 
partially re-dissolved in post-Carboniferous times. Thus, for 
a time, on the Dartmoor question, we three were at daggers 
drawn — Mr. Ussher with his laccolite, Mr. Worth with his 
volcano, and myself with my Archaean granite. Needless 
to say, we always assisted each other, regardless of conse- 
quences. I well remember casually announcing my heresy 
to Mr. Ussher, and his reply, "My dear friend, you will 
throw yourself over a precipice " ; to which I could but 
rejoin, " Then I 'm going over." 

4 Should any of my friends consider me an unwarranted intruder into 
this problem, I ask them in fairness to read the first paragraph of Mr. 
Pengelly's paper on the " Devon Schists.' 1 (Trans. Dev. Assoc, xi. 819.) 


My Dartmoor work indirectly threw me back on the 
schists, as the two problems are, in fact, intimately con- 
nected, and led me to write the following passage, which one 
might suppose to be couched in terms sufficiently humble to 
appease the most exacting Professor : 

"It would be very convenient for the theory I am advocating, 
could the old view be maintained, that the South Devon schists 
are altered Devonians ; but in the face of Professor Bonner's con- 
viction that they are of Archaean age, I hesitate to express an 
opinion one way or the other." 5 

In other words, my facts tended to confirm the Devonian 
theory of the schists — so much the worse for the facts, when 
pitted against professorial opinion. 

In the meantime, in the years 1887, 1888, and 1889, Mr. 
A. Somervail had contributed to our Transactions three most 
important papers on the Metamorphic Eocks of South 
Devon, in which he upheld their Devonian age. He had, I 
believe, the distinguished honour, at that time, of being the 
only geologist to hold that view. One of the most import- 
ant points made by Mr. Somervail, lay in his insistence on 
the significance of the volcanic rocks (greenstones) in the 
neighbourhood of Dartmouth, in connection with the chloritic 
rocks in the metamorphic district. 

Mr. Somervail, at that time, was a member of the Council 
of the Devonshire Association, whose communications were 
esteemed, and printed in extenso ; a writer, too, whose pen 
never wandered from the path of the strictest and most 
punctilious courtesy. He had, however, dared to express an 
opinion which did not coincide with the novel Archaean 
views of Professor Bonney, so he was treated to one of those 
contemptuous incidental comments peculiar to that distin- 
guished geologist. 

" As I am writing, I may as well briefly notice another criticism 
on some work of mine in the South-west ... As the writer has 
4 to confess to much ignorance as to the methods and results of 
microscopic research/ and the question is one in which such 
methods are essential in order to distinguish real differences, and 
avoid being misled by superficial resemblances, I cannot admit that 
he is qualified to investigate the subject, or waste time by discuss- 
ing it with him, 6 and will only say that though, since I wrote the 

8 Trans. Dev. Assoc, xxi. 255. 

6 This is practically a refusal to give Mr. Somervail the benefit of the 
Professor's criticism, with reasons for disagreeing. Yet in 1886, in the 
Presidential Address from the Chair of Sec. C, Professor Bonney had 
publicly thanked Mr. Somervail for assistance rendered in the way of 
specimens ! And after all, it appears that Mr. Somervail was right and the 
Professor wrong. 


paper, I have frequently examined my specimens and slides, I 
have seen no reason to alter my opinion as to the separateness of 
the two groups of rocks. ... It would be thought strange if any- 
one were to enter into a dispute as to the interpretation of a 
corrupt passage in a chorus of a tragedy of iEschylus, without a 
preliminary study of the niceties of the Greek language ; yet this 
is the course which some persons follow in petrloogy, and seem to 
think that thereby they are doing a service to science." 7 

Here the Professor is quite mistaken ; were a Latin 
scholar fortunate enough to find an ancient Latin version of 
the tragedies of ^Eschylus, he would be in a position to 
maintain an opinion against the conjectures, surmises, and 
emendations of our best Greek scholars, founded on their 
rotten and ragged manuscripts. Now, Professor Bonney 
seems to have staked his reputation on a very fragmentary 
petrological palimpsest, with all the original record obscured 
by secondary characters. Mr. Somervail only attempted to 
check and test Professor Bonney's conjectures and surmises, 
based on the said fragment, with the assistance of a well- 
preserved stratigraphical record, apparently treating of the 
same subject 

It will be acknowledged that such a severe stricture as the 
above, by a past President and Vice-President of the 
Geological Society, on a prominent member of the Devon 
Association, and of the Torquay Natural History Society, 
was not calculated to strengthen those Societies, or to 
promote provincial research. 

My own interest in the schists was, at the time referred 
to, dormant, and so far as I was myself concerned, I paid 
little attention to the controversy, until my friend, Mr. 
W. A. E. Ussher, f.g.s., of the Geological Survey, who had 
been for long re-mapping the area between Torquay and Dart- 
moor, crossed the Dart and approached the much-debated 
schists. It was obvious that the problem was now going to 
be attacked, not only by a most skilful stratigraphist, but by 
a geologist whose mind was saturated with the details and 
characters of the Devonian strata. Such an opportunity had 
never before occurred, and may well never occur again. 

When mapping between Dartmouth and Slapton Sands, 
Mr. Ussher was kind enough to allow me to accompany him 
on three separate occasions, to learn a little of the details of 
field-work with map and hammer. The first day my atten- 
tion was so much attracted by the raised-beach problems, 
that the questions of slates and volcanics seemed of minor 

7 Geological Magazine, 1887, p. 574. 


interest; but when once the fact dawned on me that the 
chlorite schists and mica schists on the south were 
paralleled by the slates and volcanic rocks on the north, my 
old interest in the metamorphic problem was renewed and 
intensified. My self-allotted task was now to couple the 
two series of rocks together in as many ways as possible, for 
slicing and microscopic examination. Having made a small 
collection of couples, I submitted the slides to Mr. A. 
Harker, F.G.S., with very little information as to localities, my 
object being to get a perfectly unbiassed opinion ; and so 
uninfluenced was Mr. Harker, that, as may be seen in his 
descriptions, he disconnected my couples : B x from B 2 , and 
C x from C 2 8 ; so that he proved himself unconscious of the 
intention on my part to keep each of those couples together. 
On the receipt of Mr. Harker's report, a curious coincidence 
occurred. I had written to Mr. Ussher, asking how the 
stratigraphical evidence was tending, and on the very day 
Mr. Harker's report arrived, the following letter from Mr. 
Ussher also came to hand : — 

"Rookfields, Torquay, 19th May, 1891. 
"My Dear Hunt, — In reply to yours of 18th inst As far as 
my investigations of the Start and Prawle areas have gone, I have 
been unable to obtain a shred of evidence from the stratigraphical 
side in favour of the Archaean age of the mica schists and so-called 
chloritic rocks, or, indeed, to endorse De La Beche's opinion re- 
specting them (pp. 35, 36, Report on Geology of Cornwall and 
Devon) as being an older series than the then termed grauwacke." 

Mr. Ussher's permission to use this letter was granted 
after he had finished and left the schists, so it was not 
modified by his subsequent work. 

Geologists will, I think, admit that this strong strati- 
graphical testimony, confirming my own microscopic work, 
afforded strong primd facie evidence of the non- Archaean age 
of the schists. 

However, still stronger evidence was close at hand. Mr. 
Harker had detected tourmaline in the sandstone C lv but had 
not noticed it in C 2 , its schist couple. Now it flashed across 
my mind one night, while lying awake, that it would be a 
splendid point if I could find tourmaline in C 2 . Next day I 
searched the slide Mr. Harker had returned, and naturally 
failed to find more than Mr. Harker had himself found, but 
I had a duplicate slide, and in this duplicate there proved to 
be a single minute fragment of detrital tourmaline. Thus 

8 Qcol Mag. Aug. 1892, p. 347. 


this mineral was no chance discovery, but had been specially 
sought. Several more slices were now cut, each of which 
proved to contain detrital tourmaline. As all, so far, 
depended on one hand specimen, I went to the Start, sought 
diligently for an hour, and at last found one bit of rock, in 
situ, which seemed promising. This rock proved to contain 
more perfect crystals of detrital tourmaline than the one 
collected by Mr. Somervail. This discovery of tourmaline, 
under the circumstances, seemed so important that I deter- 
mined to bring it before the British Association at Cardiff. 
But being very anxious not to forestall Mr. Ussher's conclu- 
sions, I induced Mr. Ussher to submit a paper at the same 
meeting, to take precedence of mine. The reception of these 
papers was most disappointing, and I was actually stopped 
in my remarks on Mr. Ussher's paper by the Chairman, and 
requested to continue them conversationally, and the meeting 
was closed long before the usual time. 

The abstract of the tourmaline paper was published in the 
Geological Magazine; but having no reprints, I gave Professor 
Bonney a friendly notice that it had appeared. The Pro- 
fessor replied, in an equally friendly tone, offering to examine 
some sections of the Channel rocks for me, but with reference 
to the schists, declared that he did not mean to enter into 
any controversy on the subject until his shield was struck by 
a knight of equal experience. 

Though having no desire for controversy, this declaration 
raised a difficulty. I knew Professor Bonney's paper, so to 
speak, by heart, and had dismissed it as absolutely valueless. 
But in writing myself on the problem, I scarcely knew how 
to deal with the Professor, after such an intimation of his 
negative intentions. On taking weighty advice, I was 
counselled to go my own way independently, and leave my 
opponent alone. 

This was done in my paper published in the Geological 
Magazine, with two very slight exceptions. Greatly fearing 
that my antagonist would retreat from his Archaean position, 
I stated his views clearly, and this little ruse succeeded 
beyond anticipation. 

Very much to my surprise, in October following (1892), 
Professor Bonney attacked me violently in the Geological 
Magazine ; after his "knight of equal experience " remark had 
thrown me completely off my guard, and caused me to forego 
the controversial advantage of a critical review of his 1883 
paper. This letter was very unguarded ; almost every line 
could be pulverized, but I merely fenced with the attack in 



the same periodical in the following December. However, in 
January, the Professor wrote a very serious letter, seeing that 
he was a Vice-President of the Geological Society, and I was 
at the time President of the Teign Naturalist Field Club, 
senior Vice-President of the Torquay Natural History 
Society, Vice-President and acting President of the Torquay 
Photo. Association, and Vice-President elect of the Devon- 
shire Association; not to say a Fellow of the Geological 
Society, and a fellow-member with him of the Athenaeum 
Club. This letter charged me with misrepresentation 
by selective quotation, and with general ignorance. The 
first charge was untrue, and the second, though true, was 
not one for the Professor to make. To make the matter 
worse, within a few weeks of the publication of this letter, I 
was the recipient of the greatest compliment in the power of 
Devonshire naturalists to bestow, viz., an invitation to allow 
myself to be proposed as President of the Devonshire 
Association; an invitation I would not entertain for an 
instant, as its acceptance (however gratifying to personal 
vanity, as the last Presidential Address on Geology was from 
the now late President of the Geological Society) could not 
fail, under the circumstances, to degrade the Association in 
the eyes of the Geological world. Personally, when certain as 
to a matter of fact, I care not for the opinion of the Royal 
Society, Geological Society, British Association, or any other 
body, ignorant of that particular fact But I am strongly of 
opinion that a worker who has been treated with contempt 
by officers of the Geological Society, and of the British 
Association, is not morally eligible to be the representative 
of a great county Society with an unblemished record of 
work performed. 

Be that as it may, by the accident of the moment, I was 
a representative of nearly all our South Devon working 
scientific societies, and mud thrown at me would indirectly 
hit them. Hence my detailed criticism of Professor Bonney's 
South Devon paper, printed privately and forwarded to the 
leading Fellows of the Geological Society, at home and 
abroad. 9 Some friends have considered it too severe ; and, 
doubtless, between private individuals it would have been 
so; but it was practically a defence of provincial societies 
and workers against the attacks of a past president, and a 
member of the Council, of the Geological Society. 

9 "An Examination of some of the evidence advanced by the Rev. Professor 
T. G. Bonney, D Sc., in support of the Archaean age of the Devonshire 


Nothing further occurred in the contest until March of 
last year, 1894, when the report of the Geological Survey 
(1892) was noticed in Nature. 

Eeferring to the Devon schists under the heading, 
"Devonian," 1 the Director -General quotes a report of 
Mr. J. H. H. Teall, F.R.S., to the effect "that the detailed 
examination of the rocks, from the metamorphic area of 
South Devon, has brought to light the fact that the pre- 
viously published descriptions of the green varieties of 
rock were very imperfect . . . ." 

Comparison is also made between the "green rocks" 
of South Devon, and the Devonian rocks of the Hartz. 

Let us now sum up the opinions of specialists of the 
Geological Survey, as to the Devonshire schists. They 
are as follows: — 

1. Not a shred of evidence, stratigraphically, that they are 
older than Devonian. 

2. All previous descriptions of the green rocks, and there- 
fore Professor Bonney's, very imperfect. 

3. The Devonshire "green rocks" (schists), similar to 
the Devonians of the Hartz. 

All this evidence is entirely supplementary to my own ; 
and it may fairly be asked whether a primd facie case 
for the Devonian age of the Devonshire schists has not 
been established : one which any Grand Jury of Geologists 
would send for trial ? 

Yet, in spite of all this consensus of evidence, Pro- 
fessor Bonney's tactics have been to ignore it absolutely. 
On my calling attention to a special instance of such evasion 
in Nature, the Professor replied as follows, in the same 
contemptuous, incidental manner 2 he makes a practice of 
employing when depreciating amateurs : — " It may save time 
to add that I have observed how a remark of mine has again 
stirred up Mr. A R. Hunt in defence of Devonian schists. 
In regard to his letter, I content myself with repeating what 
I have already said" (where?) "viz., that either I have 
wasted a good many years in study bearing on this question, 
both in the field and with the microscope, or his ' evidence ' 
is of little value, and his knives of the wrong temper for the 
dissection which he has essayed. He will not succeed in 
drawing me into a controversy with him on this question. 

1 Nature, xlix. 497. 
8 See ante, p. 248. 


Life is short" 8 My reply to this personal attack was 
suppressed by Nature.* 

Now, so far as I can gather from published papers and 
reports, Professor Bonney has against him in this question, 
Sir A. Geikie, Messrs. Somervail, Teall, and Ussher, and 
myself. Yet he takes his stand on the unprecedented argu- 
ment that we cannot be right, because if so he must be 
wrong. Papal infallibility is nothing to this, for, according 
to Roman Catholic authorities, the Pope is only held to be 
infallible " when it becomes necessary to decide .... what 
is the doctrine of the Church concerning faith or morals : 
then the Pope, by God's providence, is guaranteed against 
deciding erroneously." 6 There is no such simple way of 
correcting geologic error recognised by geologists. 

But the worst of the matter is, that not only does Pro- 
fessor Bonney bring his great influence to bear to stifle 
much-needed discussion on the Devonshire schists, but 
Nature, by suppressing the case for the defendant, may lead 
geologists unacquainted with the facts to believe that no 
discussion is needed. 

It is well that geologists should realise the fact that, 
by this continued opposition to further research, an oppor- 
tunity has been lost which can scarcely recur, viz., the 
opportunity afforded by the examination of almost every 
rood of the debatable ground by Mr. Ussher, in the course 
of his recent minute survey. Any objections or theories 
advanced then, could have been at once put to the test. 
For instance, take the case of the tourmaline rock at the 
Start : Mr. Ussher accepted a standing commission from 
me to match that rock, if possible, anywhere between 
the Start and the Bolt Tail. The nearest he could do 
for me was to produce specimens of apparently the same 
rock in a more advanced stage of metamorphism, with 
all original characters obscured. After this it is not very 
likely that this particular rock, retaining its sedimentary 

* Nature, xlix. 576. 

4 An amateur with an unorthodox fact for publication is often in a 
dilemma. If the point be both important and novel, the Editor of a periodi- 
cal may well be in doubt as to publishing. If the latter commits it to the 
W. P. B. well and good ; but if he refers it to an orthodox expert before 
doing so, he will in all probability hand the discoverer, bound hand and 
foot, to his opponents. So far as my experience goes, the prospect of 
the W. P. B., is in direct proportion to the importance of the communication. 
However, on the question of writing at all, a casual dinner-acquaintance at 
the Sheffield meeting of the British Association remarked somewhat cynic- 
ally, "I never write unless I am paid for it" ; a practical scientist and a wise. 

5 Tiic Threshold of the Catholic Church (imprimatur, Cardinal Manning), 


character, will be found elsewhere than at the Start, which 
thus becomes the final point of departure of the sand- 
stones for the unknown region of complete metamorphism. 

Friends have asked me whether I have continued the 
study of the Devon schists. They will see from the 
foregoing pages that the equable mind essential to successful 
research has been rendered well-nigh impossible of attain- 

Amateurs, as a rule, are very easily snuffed out. When 
there are so many pleasanter pursuits, there is ever the 
temptation to shirk the dagger of the assassin. But in the 
present case, so much is at stake, the battle must be fought 
out to the bitter end. Certain prominent penologists have 
maintained that the microscope can by itself determine the 
age of certain rocks, of which rocks the Devon schists are 
examples. So the question at issue is whether this claim 
can be upheld. If not, half the petrology of the last two 
decades will vanish as mist. This momentous question can 
be reduced to a couple of slides, of schist and sandstone ; 
outside of which, all the literature of petrology may be irrele- 
vant and beside the point. Microscopists, however, have 
reason to be satisfied as to one thing. My own evidence is 
entirely based on the microscope itself; so the microscope 
wins in any event. Had it been left to map and hammer to 
prove the petrological microscope untrustworthy, it might 
have been many a long year before the confidence, which is 
its fair due, would have been re-established. 

The principle involved in Professor Bonney's rejection of 
evidence without examination, is of such grave importance 
that I trust my colleagues, one and all, will give it the 
attention it deserves. The obvious attempt to escape from a 
false position on a false issue, is too transparent to succeed. 
The attempt is made to lead geologists to believe that a mere 
tyro has ventured to pit his opinion against that of the 
greatest authority in the four continents. Nothing of the sort. 
If any student is content to accept my opinion or any one 
else's, without evidence, he is worthy of all contempt. The 
Rev. Professor Bonney belongs to the only profession protected 
by law from contradiction in its public professional utterances. 
I have the honour to belong to a profession whose chiefs are 
compelled by law to give their reasons for their public judg- 
ments, and whose rank and file are expected to fortify their 
opinions with case and precedent, often the only evidence 
available under the circumstances. The gravamen of the 
Professor's charge was that I attempted some of the most 


difficult penological problems. Quite so. The Devonshire 
Association for the Advancement of Science was never estab- 
lished for its members to confine themselves to the study of 
text books and primers. The objection, no doubt, is to the 
examination of the Devon granites and the Devon schists ; 
and I am free to confess, that when I commenced the study I 
knew little of either. The granite problem is unquestionably 
most difficult, while the schists are easier. Regarding the 
former, my only hesitation was touching a problem rendered 
classical by Dr. Sorby. But when Dr. Sorby was kind 
enough to express his approval of my attacking the problem, 
and when subsequently Mr. Teall offered me his collection of 
granites for comparison, it became almost a duty to make the 

But this new doctrine that students must not attempt 
difficult problems, would not only be fatal to research, but 
has been quite unknown in scientific circles. Why, I myself 
have had Stokes, helping me with waves; Prestwich, with 
quaternary deposits ; Pengelly, with caverns ; Sorby, with 
sand grains and fluid inclusions; Ussher, with Devonian 
stratigraphy; Gwyn-Jeffreys, with shells; and Teall, with 
granites. Sometimes helping with counsel; at others, with 
specimens, or with literature ; but all indispensable. 

The investigation of the Dartmoor granite has been even 
more generally obstructed than that of the schists, as all 
Devonshire workers have been treated with much contempt. 

The granite problem has, from the first meeting of the 
Society, engaged the special attention of the geologists of the 
Devon Association. Yet, in 1893, a member of the Council 
of the Geological Society attempts to tackle this advanced 
problem in an elementary and facetious paper, entitled " Notes 
on Dartmoor " ! Eeferring to the granite sending off "intrusive 
veins from the main mass into the rocks adjoining it," this 
writer gravely remarks, " this point is not so easily decided 
as might have been expected "! Had this inquirer turned to 
Mr. Pengelly's first paper on the subject, he would have 
found references to records of the existence of intrusive 
veins, by De La Beche, Sedgwick, Murchison, Godwin- Austen, 
and Ormerod. 6 Had he inquired of any Devonshire geologist, 
he could have had special localities in abundance. This 
paper was an attack by a geologist not conversant with the 
elementary facts of the problem, on another, Mr. Ussher, 
thoroughly up in its details and difficulties. The discussion, 
as published, would have been laughable if not vexatious ; 

8 Trans. Dev. Assoc, i. 49. (1862.) 


the non-Survey men attacking Mr. Ussher, and his colleagues 
rallying to his defence. However, not a soul present seemed 
fully to grasp Mr. Ussher's points. Professor Bonney could 
not resist a back-hander at absent Fellows of the Society, e.g., 
" Was there any evidence that a rock could be fused by 
pressure alone, any more than by a gentle stewing in sea- 
water, which also had been suggested?" 7 This was aimed 
at Mr. Ussher and myself, and was as misleading as it was 
irrelevant Fusion by pressure alone, and by gentle stewing, 
were but phantoms of the Professor's brain. 

In 1894 the same author pursued his researches on the 
rocks of igneous origin on the western flank of Dartmoor. 
This is the territory of Mr. R. N. Worth, F.G.S. ; who, 
by the bye, is scarcely referred to. In the discussion the 
author is congratulated on discovering augitic rocks on 
the western side of Cocks Tor, hitherto "completely over- 
looked/' 8 and he thanks the Fellows for the sympathetic way 
in which they had received his paper. On receiving the 
Q. J. O. S. t with the above paper, feeling much surprised, I 
referred to a work in every penologist's library, viz., TealTs 
British Petrography. On turning to the Index of Localities, 
I found "Cocks Tor," and, turning up the passage, read, 
" Bocks allied to the above, but frequently containing more 
or less original augite . . . occur at various points round the 
granite masses of Devon and Cornwall. They have been 
observed at Waspworthy, Brazen Tor, and Cocks Tor, near 

The above is an example of the rule recently laid down 
for his own guidance by Professor Bonney in the following 
passage : " Probably there is nothing original in the results, 
but they are all the outcome of personal observation, for 
I have always preferred questioning 'Nature' to reading 
books. So, in order to economise time in searching for what 
has been already said, and to save studding the page with 
references, I will assure the reader that he is quite at liberty 
to suppose that 'everything has been said by somebody 
some where.' " 9 

For many years past there has been an increasing 
tension between professor and amateur in scientific 
research. In June, 1894, the Times, in an article referring 
to the University Extension Movement, wrote as follows : 
"From smatterers and dilettante amateurs there is no 

7 Q. J. G. S. xlix. 397. 

8 Ibid. 1. 366. 

9 Gcol. Mag. 1894, p. 114. 


certain way of deliverance ; but the reports of the committee 
of experts give us ground for believing that such enemies to 
real progress are not very many, and that they will probably 
diminish." In the same month Professor Max Miiller, 
writing on Germany, shows us the other side of the question: 
" For a philosopher who does not belong to the professorial 
caste to gain a hearing is extremely difficult. The best 
critical papers are in the hands of the professors and of their 
young pupils, or assistants. They notice the books of their 
friends, or of their rivals, either in a kindly or an unkindly 
spirit, but the outsider does not exist . . . That is what made 
Schopenhauer so furious, and so ill-mannered in his assaults 
on the whole professorial crew." 1 

The steady resistance to amateur work by professors, either 
by active obstruction or the passive boycott, has for long 
been an insoluble problem. 

Max Miiller's terms, "Professorial Caste," and "Professorial 
Crew," seem suggestive of a clue. But, if so, the future 
of British research is clearly endangered ; as the time seems 
rapidly approaching when the posts of influence, as well 
as " the best critical papers," will all be " in the hands of the 
professors and their young pupils, or assistants." Following 
out this suggestion, I made a rough analysis of the Royal 
Society as it was in 1892; with the following startling 
result. Of professors, lecturers, and readers, there were not 
less than 162 ; of medical men, not professors, fifty (medical 
men, inclusive of professors, ninety-eight) ; military men 
twenty-four, naval nine. Thus out of a total membership 
of 458, one in 2*8 was a professor, lecturer, or reader ; i.e ., 
a teacher — one in 4*7 was a medico, whereas one in 1*9 
was a teacher, medico, soldier, or sailor. It would be 
difficult to select four more self-assertive professions, or 
more resentful of opposition. Under these circumstances 
a want of sympathy between such a body of teachers and 
rulers, and disrespectful independent amateurs, is quite 
intelligible. It is, moreover, hard to combine teaching with 
research without detriment to the latter. An amateur is 
always interested to be proved wrong, a professor never. 
Hence an amateur will assist his critic, whereas a professor 
will continue his resistance after he has no longer a leg 
to stand upon. 

Since writing the foregoing passage the list of selected 
candidates for the Eoyal Society for 1895 has appeared ; out 
of fifteen names, no less than six have the prefix of " Pro- 

1 Nineteenth Cen. Mag, June, 1894, p. 943. 


fessor." To adapt Max Miiller's words, we can almost foresee 
the time when our great British Society will be entirely in 
the hands of the professors ; with remainder to their young 
pupils or assistants. Many years ago, a Fellow of the Eoyal 
College of Physicians informed me that no professional 
work would make a doctor eligible for the Eoyal Society ; 
it is, therefore, much to the credit of this distinguished 
profession that its members can secure more than twenty per 
cent, of the coveted fellowship by miscellaneous research, 
more especially when considered in connection with the 
fact that one has to look outside the Society for so many 
specialists and pioneers, on the borderland of the natural 

Perhaps no such deadly blow has ever been levelled at the 
credit of geology, as has been struck by the imaginative 
school of petrologists, and there can be no question that the 
general distrust of the science among thoughtful men has 
greatly increased of late — and justly so; for although, by 
virtue of stratigraphy and palaeontology, geology may still 
claim to be one of the inductive sciences, the mental flights 
of some of the leaders of the microscopical school have 
raised it to a high level among the masterpieces of poetry 
and fiction, both as to methods and results. 2 

9 In this connection the analysis of the qualifications of the fifteen 
candidates selected by the Council of the Royal Society, in 1895, is in- 
teresting. Judging by their papers, the fifteen authors would be distributed 
among the sections of the British Association as follows : (When an author 
would read in two sections he is credited with J for each.) 

Sec. A. Physics . . . . 6J 

„ B. Chemistry . . . . .3 

„ C. Geology . . . . .0 

,, D. Biology (including Section I.) . . 5 

„ G. Practical Mechanics. . . . 1J 

,, H. Anthropology . . . .0 


The collapse of Sections C. and H. is not surprising, as, at a Conference at 
Oxford, one speaker practically exhausted the vocabulary of doubt and 
conjecture in twelve minutes, and the only point proved was that the two 
sections thought much but knew nothing. 

Two R.S. candidates declare themselves "attached to science' 1 ! Would 
that all the Fellows could say the same. There would be more sympathy 
and less obstruction for provincial students. 

As an instance of Speculation v. Science, the following extract from an 
address, published by Nature (May 2nd, 1895, p. 21), as authoritative 
doctrine would be hard to beat : 

"There was not only great disruption of strata, but igneous rocks forced 
themselves into the fissures in the sedimentary beds, and the resulting meta- 
morphism of the adjacent rocks increased the confusion, as beds of slate may 
be traced through the transformation of their sedimentary character, by 
the re-crystallisation of their component elements into diorites having the 


From a considerable experience of the work of country 
societies, I am in a position to assert that there is no 
necessary rivalry whatever between working amateurs and 
professors, and that it is much to be regretted that any such 
rivalry should be set on foot Amateurs assist each other 
as comrades working in the same cause ; and as often as not, 
ignore the professorial dicta with the utmost innocence. If, 
however, the professors are anxious to stir up a provincial 
hornet's nest, as seems to be the case, the hornets will 
undoubtedly sting, and so long as there is a printing-press 
in the land, not all the " best critical papers " in the world 
can prevent this painful result accruing. Amateurs have 
truly no cause to be ashamed of their status. It may be 
remarked that, of the last twenty-one Presidents elected up 
to date by the British Association, there have been no less 
than fourteen unable to prefix "professor" to their names. 
More than one of the most distinguished of these would be, 
according to the Times, quite typical " dilettante amateurs," 
science being their recreation and not their business. After 
all, though sadly tautological, what more distinguished title 
in science can a man desire than that of a "dilettante 
amateur," a lover of science who delights in it? and is it 
not even more honourable to be a dilettante amateur than 
merely " attached to science," a merit occasionally pleaded 
by, or for, candidates for the Royal Society ? 

In connection with the Amateur and Professor question, 
one incident at the late meeting of the British Association 
at Oxford, 1894 (not in Sect. C), was characteristic. A dis- 
tinguished amateur, specially mentioned by the great Darwin 
in the Origin of Species as having caused hint* to reconsider 
an opinion, and one of our own past Presidents, read a paper. 
This was criticised by a Professor in a tone of ineffable con- 
descension and superiority. Beferring to the publication 
of researches in miscellaneous reports, the said Professor 
thought it perhaps best as it was, adding, superciliously, 
"one need not read them"! Clearly for him, as pointed 

peculiar structure of radiating crystals, which usually characterise rocks of 
volcanic origin.' 1 

The article is a most interesting one to myself, as the author calls to his 
aid the water of the ocean to account for metallic lodes; but to call a 
metamorphosed slate a diorite ("The plutonic representative of the andesitic 
magma.' Teall, Brit. Petr. 254), because crystalline, is equal to calling 
the solar corona incandescent tallow, because both tallow and corona are 
sources of light. The subsequent electric origin of gold, by currents acting 
on gold dissolved in salt water, though most ingenious, and possibly true, 
is strong meat when delivered as doctrine from a Presidential chair, and 
endorsed by Nature. 


out by Max Miiller, "the outsider does not exist." Yet in 
connection with such men, the outsider is apt to remember 
the following lines of Cowper : 

" Knowledge and wisdom, far from being one, 
Have oft-times no connexion. Knowledge dwells 
In heads replete with thoughts of other men, 
Wisdom in minds attentive to their own. 

Knowledge is proud that he has learned so much, 
Wisdom is humble that he knows no more." 

The following lines, too, are not without their lesson : 

" Some to the fascination of a name 
Surrender judgment hoodwinked. Some the style 
Infatuates, and through labyrinths and wilds 
Of error, leads them by a tune entranced.' 1 

It must be borne in mind that the persistent attacks on 
amateurs by Professor Bonney are of no ordinary character, 
as the assailant is no ordinary man. The Professor is not 
only persona gratissima at the Geological Society, 8 but he 
accepts the position accorded him of being the most promi- 
nent — nay, the representative petrologist of Great Britain. 
A Fellow of Saint John's College, Cambridge, and Professor of 
Geology in University College, London, he has also been the 
recipient of several doctor's degrees. He is likewise a Fellow 
of the Royal Society, and is rarely off the Council of the 
Geological, of which Society he has been* President, and by 
which he has been honoured with the Wollaston Medal, in 
the company of such men as De La Beche, Darwin, Sorby, 
and Huxley. 

All his virulent attacks on members of the Council of the 
Devonshire Association have emanated from him when an 
officer or member of the Council of the Geological Society, 
and apparently with the approval of that body, as he has 
been re-elected over and over again. Not only has this very 
representative man been actively hostile to the rank and file 
of our workers, but he has also treated the works of our 
distinguished founder, the late Mr. Pengelly, with culpable 

All old members of the Association will remember how 
often Mr. Pengelly referred to the Budleigh Salterton pebble- 
bed, it being also one of the Devon problems he commended 
to younger workers in his Presidential Address. 

* During the eighteen years, 1878-1895, Professor Bonney has been six 
years secretary, two years President, and five years Vice-President of the 
Geological Society. Thirteen years in office. 


In a recent paper on this subject Professor Bonney, 6 in a 
foot-note, states that Mr. Pengelly, 4 considered the fossili- 
ferous quartzites to be "practically identical with those of 
Gorran Haven." However, according to Mr. Pengelly's 
letter quoted, it was Mr. Etheridge who stated "that the 
Budleigh Salterton pebbles came from Gorran " : Mr. 
Pengelly having been only able to detect several specimens 
of but one of the Budleigh Salterton species of Brachiopoda, 
in either the Penzance or Truro Museums; though he 
observed, in siM, fossils of the same general fades in 
quartzites identical in structure, and even in hue, with the 
pebbles of South-Eastern Devonshire. 4 

Now let us see what Mr. Pengelly really did write of the 
pebbles in the following year : — " It has been suggested that 
their source may have been Normandy, or Brittany, or the 
Dodman District in South Cornwall, in each of which very 
similar rocks, with, at least, some identical fossils, are known 
to be in siM. It has also been suggested, and perhaps with 
greater probability, that their source was none of the foregoing 
localities, but a reef lying between them, perhaps a portion 
of a once-continuous barrier crossing the Channel, and con- 
necting the whole. In short, by common consent, the pebbles 
came from somewhere between south and west of the pebble- 
bed." 6 (Italics mine.) 

We thus see that Mr. Pengelly thought it more probable 
that the pebbles did not come from Gorran Haven ! It may 
be contended that Professor Bonney was unaware of the 
existence of Mr. Pengelly's paper ; but it so happens that it 
is the famous paper on the metamorphic rocks of South 
Devon, to which Professor Bonney, in 1883, referred his 
readers for the previous literature of that subject. 

In writing of the pebble-bed, Professor Bonney says: 
"The materials, then, seem not generally to represent the 
rocks now exposed in Devon and Cornwall. I had expected 
to find a large proportion of rocks from this region, as 
in the case of the breccias, which are so fully exposed 
further west." 6 Was there ever so singular a remark? 
Surely, if the pebbles came from Devon and Cornwall, 
there would be no problem as to their origin. Devon 
and Cornwall are not unknown to geographers, even 
though Dartmoor seems to have been somewhat of a 
terra incognita to the Geological Society, and known 

4 Geol. Mag. 1878, p. 238. 

5 Trans. Dev. Assoc. 1879, p. 2. 

6 Ocol Mag. 1895, p. 79. 


only to the aboriginal geologists of the district. More- 
over, what evidence is there of Cornish rocks in the 
Devon breccias ? We certainly have the Devonshire schists 
in the conglomerate in Bigbury Bay ; but these schists were 
rather travelling towards Cornwall than in the contrary 
direction. The origin of the crystalline rocks in the 
Devon breccias is still a puzzle. The schorlaceous rocks 
of the breccias which have come under my notice, though 
bearing a family likeness to the Dartmoor rocks, are not 
identical with any I have been fortunate enough to see : 
though this, of course, is but negative evidence. If any 
have been actually traced to a Cornish origin, it is a fact 
which should be more generally known. 

Inaccurate quotations, and important assertions made 

without references to their authors, are the very bane of 

painstaking students. Mr. Pengelly, as is well known, 

insisted on quoting an author down to his very grammatical 

slips, punctuation and all. In connection with this subject, 

I may here remark that a passage by Mr. Pengelly himself, 

on the Budleigh Salterton question, was quoted by that 

distinguished naturalist, the late Dr. Davidson, in his Fossil 

Brachiopoda, in a manner almost suggestive of quotation 

from memory, two or three alterations distinctly affecting 

the author's meaning. 7 No one could gather Mr. Pengelly's 

mind from either the versions of Dr. Davidson or Professor 

Bonney. Moral, verify your quotations. 

As Professor Bonney, without the slightest provocation, 
has declared he could not waste time by discussing the 
schist question with Mr. Somervail ; and has further quite 
gratuitously declared that I should not succeed in drawing 
him into controversy on the same question, life being short 
(albeit, I have not the slightest desire to prevent the 
Professor running away if he prefers to do so), I may 
be permitted to point out the common tactics of our fugitive 

Professor Bonney's first paper in the Quarterly Journal, so 
far as I can ascertain, was published in 1870, a few months 
after I myself joined the Geological Society. 

It was printed in short abstract, and only occupies about 
three-quarters of a page of the Journal. Its subject was the 
" Geology of the Lofoten Islands." When a writer is limited 
to so short a paper, it is usual to economise almost every 
word. The Professor, however, commences with a descrip- 
tion of the scenery of the islands as viewed from the 

7 Monograph, British Fossil Brachiopoda, ?oL iv. 


steamer, and then goes on to notice "bedding" in several 
crystalline rocks, viz., in "a rock resembling syenite, and 
in a quartzite containing a little hornblende and felspar " ; 
and again in another "granitoid rock, resembling syenite." 
"The author concluded, from his observations, that, with 
few exceptions, the so-called granites of the Lofoten Islands 
are stratified, highly metamorphosed rocks — quartzites and 
gneiss, generally with much felspar in the latter, and 
with more or less hornblende in both. 8 . . ." The only felspar 
named was " pink orthoclase." 

Now, perhaps, there is no more important paper in 
the Quarterly Journal, if the conclusions arrived at can 
be verified ; as the contention is that syenite and gneiss, 
with orthoclase and hornblende, may be metamorphosed 
stratified rocks, which have not lost their original 
bedding; instead of being, as sometimes thought, altered 
crystalline rocks with a deceptive bedding-structure super- 
induced by pressure. I offer no opinion, but allow the 
Professor to provide his own commentary. 

Eight years later, in describing the Charnwood Forest 
syenites, and defending their igneous origin, the Professor 
states that one of the arguments against that hypothesis was 
" an appearance of bedded structure." To which he replies, 
"the 'bedded structure* is only that tendency to parallel 
jointing which is not rare in large masses of igneous 
rock." 9 

In 1894, in "Some Notes on Gneiss," the Professor asks: 
" But was the old notion entirely wrong ? Cannot a gneiss 
be, in any case, an altered sedimentary rock V' 1 

It will be observed that Professor Bonney has been 
wandering in absolute darkness. In 1870, he assumes that 
even syenite may be a metamorphosed bedded rock; in 
1878, he points out the error of confounding the jointing 
of crystalline rocks with bedding; in 1894, he inquires 
whether gneiss might not, in any case, be an altered sedi- 
mentary rock. He goes on to say, " There seems, however, 
no reason why a sediment of the proper chemical composi- 
tion should not, as a result of metamorphic processes, be 
changed into a gneiss. But, as a rule, clays (for to some 
variety of this rock we must look) are rather deficient in 

8 Quarterly Journal Oeol. Soc. xxvii. 623. 

9 Q.J.G.S. xxxiv. 212. This may be the case in the instance above 
referred to, but on Dartmoor the " bedded structure" is distinct from the 
parallel jointing. 

1 Oeol. Mag. 1894, p. 120. 


alkalies, and seem to produce micas and minerals such as 
andalusite more readily than felspar." 2 (Italics mine.) 

Now, if we must look to clay as the parent rock — and clay 
is commonly the result of the decomposition of potash 
felspar — the lack of magnesia and lime would render the 
production of hornblende and of syenite a physical im- 
possibility in most cases. The limitation of gneisses to 
clays seems most unnecessary, as stratified volcanic ash, or 
ash mingled with aluminous and siliceous sediment, would 
supply a stratified deposit capable, so far as material goes, 
of being transformed into gneisses, syenites, granites, or 
almost any other crystalline rock, leaving the more ordinary 
clays to account for the more ordinary schists. 8 

It appears to have been this disregard of the meta- 
morphosis of volcanic rocks which has led Professor Bonney 
so far astray, both at the Lizard and the Prawle ; whereas it 
was by the recognition of this very fact, in discerning the 
relation of the "chlorite schists" to the Devonian green- 
stones, that Mr. Somervail did such a lasting service to 
Devonshire science. 1 

How far Professor Bonney went astray can be shown by 
his own papers. In his paper on the Lizard, in 1877, he 
describes the " granulite " and hornblende schist as follows : 
"Careful examination, however, shows that we have here, 
highly-metamorphosed and entangled in the serpentine, 
another mass of sedimentary rock, which has once con- 
sisted of lenticular bands of a more sandy character, in a 
mod whose mineral composition somewhat resembled that of 
hornblende. The first stage has been the conversion of the 
former into a kind of granulite, the latter, probably, into a 
hornblende schist" 4 In the concluding paragraph, the 
author says, "The sedimentary rocks of the Lizard are 
probably about Lower Devonian age." 6 

So far as the hornblende schist was concerned, the above 
was an attempted correction with the microscope of Sedg- 
wick's view, that the hornblende schist, or part of it, called 
by him a greenstone, was of igneous origin. However, we 
see that, in 1877, Prof. Bonney pronounced these schists 
sedimentary, and probably Lower Devonian. In 1883, the 

1 Geol. Mag. 1894, p. 120. 

* The composition of the Eddystone gneiss, and of its felspathic veins, is 
precisely sucn as might be expected to result from metamorphisin of the 
schists and felspathic veins in the neighbourhood of the Bolt Head, the 
original sediment being, at least to some extent, of volcanic origin. 

<0. /. <?. S. xxxiii. 902. 

• hoc. cit. 924. 

vol. xxyii. T 


Professor again returned to the subject with an entire change 
of front Of the hornblende schist he now writes : — " The 
result of the above examination of the hornblende schist 
shows that it can no longer be regarded as a metamorphic 
representative of the Lower Devonian (or even Silurian) 
strata, but that it almost certainly belongs to some part 
of the Archaean." The sedimentary character of the horn- 
blendic rocks is, however, still retained, e.g. "I . . . am 
disposed to regard the group as, at any rate in the main, of 
sedimentary origin." 7 Most surprising of all, the Professor 
discovered u a record of true • current-bedding ' " in the horn- 
blendic rocks, and of " indications of current-bedding *' in 
the granulitic rocks ! These, or some of them, are figured 
on PL 1, vol. xxxix. of the Quarterly Journal of the Geological 
Society of London. 

In 1891 Professor Bonney wrote a third time on the same 
rocks. The sedimentary granulitic rocks with their current 
bedding were now found to be volcanic rocks, the phenomena 
of banding being explained as follows : — 

" These conditions appear to be best fulfilled by the following 
hypothesis : That into a basic magma, which at any rate was 
sufficiently solid to break into fragments, an acid magma, at a very 
high temperature, was injected, — that either the more basic 
material was still somewhat plastic when this intrusion took place, 
or it was, by this accession of heated stuff, so far softened, that it 
was drawn out into streaks, and was even sometimes slightly 
mixed with the other by actual fusion, when movements occurred 
in the mass ; and that afterwards, as the temperature gradually 
fell, the whole mass became crystalline. Thus, the banded 
gneissoid rock of the Granulitic Group is an example of a kind of 
flow-structure on a large scale, wholly, or (more probably) in part, 
antecedent to crystallisation." s 

Our quondam sedimentary current-bedded rock has now 
become an example of an igneous rock formed " at a very 
high temperature " ! 

Of the Hornblendic Group, which in 1S33 furnished a 
record of " true current-bedding," the Professor writes : — 

41 Thus, although our reasons cannot be fully appreciated by 
those who have not followed our steps, we are at present unable to 
suggest any form of mechanical disturbance as a complete explana- 
tion of the more banded members of the Hornblendic Group, and 
think that for these the stratification of an ash (perhaps by the 
intervention of water) is the better working hypothesis." 

• Q. G. J. S. xxxix. 23. 
T Z*v. cit. 19. 

* Q.J.G.S. xlviL 477. 


But later on : — 

" We now feel convinced that some members of the group were 
originally dolerites, 9 and some structures are due to fluxion." 1 

It may be observed that certain unexplained structures in 

these rocks are thus attributed partly to fluxion, and partly to 

currents. It would be difficult to conceive the conditions 

tinder which similar structure could be produced in the same 

rock by such opposite agencies. Not having studied the 

lizard rocks, I simply ' watch the struggle as an amused 

spectator ; but, judging from an also unexplained incipient 

banded structure in the Devon schists, I anticipate that 

geologists will agree before long that the current-bedding 

hypothesis is out of the question, and the fluxion hypothesis 

equally so. 

At the time geologists first discovered current-bedding in 
hornblende rocks, I had been working at the subject of 
ripple-mark and current-bedding myself, and my first 
thought was to test the theory by experiment with volcanic 
ash. On second thoughts, however, the suggestion seemed 
so highly improbable, that it seemed best to let it die a 
natural death. One of the fundamental difficulties is this : — 
Current-bedding differs from sedimentation in being due to 
transport of material over a river-, or sea-, or lake-bottom. 
This transport is practically confined to sands, clay and mud 
being conveyed in suspension, and accumulated by sedimen- 
tation. Kipple-mark and current-mark must, therefore, not 
be looked for, either in recent muds or in ancient slates. It 
is an open question whether current-mark, as seen in sands 
and sandstones, could be produced in volcanic ash. It could, 
no doubt, be produced in a mixture of ash and sand, but 
there is no evidence that it could be produced in a pure 
volcanic deposit. But on the assumption that such were 
possible, it would be difficult to conceive any conditions of 
river, lake, or sea, subject to currents, which would not bring 
about an admixture of quartz-sand with the volcanic ejecta- 
menta. If so, it is almost certain that any metamorphic 
processes insufficient to obliterate the current structure 
would also fail to obliterate traces of the original siliceous 
sand, easily recognised in the microscope. 

In one of the cases figured by Professor Bonney, we are 
told expressly that the materials "appear to be mostly 

9 The point here at issue is whether the petrologies! microscope in Prof. 
Bonney's hands can distinguish an altered dolerite from a metamorphosed 
"mud whose mineral composition somewhat resembled that of hornblende. " 
See ante, p. 265. 1 Loc. tit. 480. 

t 2 


rather rounded grains of felspar/' 2 the other constituents 
being quartz, hornblende, and mica, a closely-twined plagio- 
clase being very abundant. It is difficult to see whence 
currents could collect such materials, but if once collected, 
the latter would soon be distributed apart, according to 
weight and form. However, this case is in the granulite, 
which Professor Bonney now, or at least in 1891, decided to 
be igneous, and to show flow structure. 

The Lizard question does not particularly concern 
Devonshire geologists ; but the problem of the hornblendic 
metamorphics is common to both the Lizard and the Prawle, 
and demands the closest attention. 

When Professor Bonney denies the right of Devonshire 
men to investigate the geology of their own county, it is 
impossible to avoid scrutinizing closely his own claim to 
monopolize their great geological puzzle — the Devon schists, 
one of whose chief difficulties lies with the hornblendic 
green rocks. Now, with respect to hornblendic schists in 
general, the foregoing pages have shown how often Professor 
Bonney has changed his mind on quite fundamental points, 
from Lofoten to the Lizard. Although the Professor has 
practically staked his reputation (quite needlessly) on the 
Archaean age of the Devon schists, the Director-General of 
the Geological Survey now describes them under the heading 
" Devonian/' and the petrographer to the Survey mentions 
that previous descriptions of the green rocks have been very 
imperfect. 8 Thus, to say the least of it, competent 
geologists now maintain the possibility of the schists being 
Devonian; and the question is, therefore, one clearly open 
to further research and discussion. Professorial obstruction 
of research is not a danger to be safely disregarded, because, 
although, as has been seen in the case of the Devonshire 
Association itself, local amateur work can be very easily 
quenched, such work has then to remain undone, as no one 
but the local amateur (except, of course, the Geological 
Surveyor) has either the opportunity or leisure to do it It 
is quite preposterous to suppose that London gentlemen, 
however able, can, in their flying holiday-visits, dispose 
authoritatively of problems which have perplexed men of 
at least equal ability, who have given them attention for 
years. We may safely take it for granted that where Mr. 
Pengelly and Mr. Tawney have doubted, certainty is not 
within easy reach ; or, that where Mr. Pengelly has kept his 

1 Q. J. G. S. xxxix. 17. 
3 Hature, xlix. 497. 


eye and pen on a notorious problem for his whole working 
life, it is not safe to pay the locus in quo a hasty visit under 
the assumption that the problem is non-existent, the 
mere creature of provincial imagination. It appears to be 
almost an unwritten law among scientists (I use this word, 
as Mr. Fengelly commonly did, as distinguishing science 
from philosophy; the same great distinction as between 
"talent" and u genius"), either to ignore the work of 
an opponent, who is not a personal friend; or, to attack 
the man himself tooth and nail. 

Trained as I had been at the meetings of the Torquay 
Natural History Society, I was fairly taken aback by & 
retort of Sir Andrew Ramsay at one of the first meetings 
of the Geological Society which I attended. He was vexed 
by some remark made on a paper, and, in replying, he fairly 
hissed out, "I thought I was addressing the Geological 
Society of London, and not an elementary school ! " Can we 
conceive such a remark made by a member of the Council 
from the platform of the Devonshire Association? I 
registered a vow there and then never to venture a remark 
before the Geological Society, a vow which has been kept. 
Sir Andrew's victim was no doubt a prominent geologist, or he 
would scarcely have been speaking at the Geological Society, 
and such a thrust would do him no harm; but very few 
amateurs care to face such stabs, and speedily turn to more 
congenial occupations ; if, however, they do not do so, there 
is the greatest risk that their main object will quite in- 
sensibly change its character. The desire to defeat the 
adversary will take the place of the honest search for truth ; 
and then nothing but disaster can befall the scientific 

As my own investigations have been solely due to the 
Devonshire Association, and my experiences are doubtless 
the common lot of the amateur, a brief sketch may, perhaps, 
interest a Society, which, by its early encouragement, is 
the true author of all my papers. Without the Devonshire 
Association, not a line would have been written. 

In every case my subjects have sought me; not I my 
subjects. And in nearly every case, I have been able to 
bring that happy ignorance to my tasks, which precludes the 
possibility of prejudice and preconception. Owing to lack of 
memory, history has always been a very weak point, and of 
numismatics I know nothing. But my first paper was on 
History and Numismatics. 4 It, I believe, led to an invitation 

4 Trans. Dev. Assoc, vi. 197. 


to become (if I forget not) an original member of the 
Historical Society, which invitation I at first was inclined to 
regard as a hoax ; and it also elicited the warm commenda- 
tion of a gentleman who had been in the Coin-room, at the 
British Museum. This I took for chaff ; and I had to ask, 
" Do you really think it a good paper ? " This approval was 
encouraging, and no doubt, had not I done what I could to 
record and analyse the evidence of the Blackpool coins, that 
interesting' find would have been lost entirely to science. 
That paper was the first original paper, as distinguished from 
an essay, which I ever wrote. Read at the Torquay Society, 
Mr. Pengelly persuaded me to send it to the Devonshire 
Association, where it had to go unattended by its author, as 
the bare idea of standing on a platform and reading a paper 
was sufficient 

My next subject was equally uncongenial. Of conchology 
I knew nothing, and cared nothing. But circumstances led 
to my preserving a large aplysia, or sea hare, with the 
intention of describing it to the Torquay Natural History 
Society from Forbes and Hanley, and Gwyn-Jeffreys. 
Doctors differed : so I worked up the subject for several 
years, set the malacologists and conchologists by the ears : 
the latter asserting that the large sea-hares were A. depilans, 
the former agreeing with me that they were over-grown 
A. punctata. The result being that, thanks to Mr. Gwyn- 
Jeffreys' candour in acknowledging that he had described 
A. depilans from a badly preserved specimen, I believe I 
have turned A. depilans out of the British fauna. However, 
my amateur work was taken up subsequently by my friend 
Mr. A. Garstang, and the problem cannot well be in better 
hands, whatever be the final conclusion. 

Dredging in Torbay, suggested "Notes on Torbay," dis- 
cussing both the fauna, and the action of waves on the 
bottom. This paper dealt with a difficult subject for a non- 
mathematician, and to guard against blunders in this line 
Lord Rayleigh most kindly looked through the manuscript for 
me. The subject was now followed up by experiments in a 
special tank, and a paper on " Kipple-mark " was submitted 
to the Royal Society, which touched also on the influence of 
waves on the marine fauna. This latter problem was, I 
believe, novel, and certainly important, and a paper was pre- 
pared for the Linnean Society. On submitting this paper to 
Mr. Gwynn-Jeffreys, F.R.S., a past-president of the Linnean, 
he advised my trying to get it communicated to the Royal 
Society, and left it at that Society's rooms to await my 


decision. Now the Royal Society had not appreciated my 
former paper, and I did not know of a soul in it who would 
care to hear more of waves and fauna from an outsider. The 
paper was written for the Linnean, but the question was how 
to get it there. As the paper was already at the Royal, I 
determined, in my dilemma, to refer the question to a scientist, 
and more than a scientist, who had, I believe, been President 
of both Linnean and Royal, and whose praises I had heard 
sung for his kindness to a relative of my own. Five minutes 
would have sufficed to decide whether this short paper, the 
result of years of thought, was suited to .the Linnean, and 
none could tell me better than my referee. It is, I believe, 
the only case in which I have been refused scientific assist- 
ance, so I quote the reply in extenso. 5 

"May 9th, 1884. 

" Sir, — I regret that it is impossible for me to undertake to read 
papers, with a view to deciding whether they are fit for presentation 
to a Society. (( j 

" Your obedient Servant, 


Needless to say, my correspondent was a professor. Not 
«m amateur in the kingdom would have, under the circum- 
stances, adopted such a tone to a fellow-student. The letter 
Is interesting both for style and signature. It proved the 
"best answer to my enquiry, and confirmed my reluctance to 
submit the paper to the Royal Society. Mr. Gwyn-Jeffreys 
kindly resumed charge of it, and communicated it to the 

The Linnean paper was practically the outcome of my 
Devon Association paper, "Notes on Torbay," and it may 
possibly interest some of our members to know how it fared. 
I had shirked attending the Royal Society when Ripple-mark 
was submitted, and would have done the same by the 
Linnean, had not Mr. Pengelly insisted that my absence 
would show disrespect to the Society. Shortly after my 
arrival in town, I picked up a Standard in the hotel reading- 
room, and was somewhat staggered to find my humble paper 
advertised as one of the events of the following evening, in 
the notices of meetings. The following afternoon a telegram 

5 Since the above was written, science has had to deplore the loss of the 
distinguished author of the letter in question, Professor Huxley. The letter 
is quite explicable on the assumption that it was written not by Huxley the 
great naturalist, but by Huxley the controversialist, who in his later years 
aevoted so much of his valuable time to the attempt to enforce the sub- 
mission of reluctant ecclesiastics to his own opinions. 


came to hand with an invitation to dine at the Linnean 
Club. After dinner, Mr. Gwyn- Jeffreys drove me to 
Burlington House. On the way, I sounded him as to the 
apparent links between Trochus zizyphinus and T. granu- 
latvs, a really very perplexing question. The great 
conchologist was a stickler for the immutability of species, 
and he decided the point by saying, "Oh, but after all, a 
species is a species " ! From the moment my fate was sealed 
that I must accompany my paper, I had been on the stretch, 
in what Devonians would call "a proper flitter," and the 
crisis was reached when, after preliminary business had been 
transacted, the Vice-President, in the chair, requested me, in 
the suavest of tones, to expound my paper to the meeting ; 
a crowded meeting, too. This was beyond my powers, and I 
read it through from beginning to end. After the meeting, 
Mr. Gwyn-Jeffreys was good enough to ask me to join the 
Society, and when I had proved to him my entire unfitness 
for the fellowship, he summoned a botanist, whose name was 
a household word : him I thought to discomfit by exclaim- 
ing, "I know no botany, and no systematic zoology." He 
calmly replied, "We have plenty of systematic zoology 
here." Then Mr. Gwyn-Jeffreys said, " If your objection is 
financial I will say no more." This was conclusive, and I 
left the matter in the hands of these genial naturalists. I 
believe they were wrong ; any young professor would pluck 
me on the elements of zoology, and on botany I could not 
answer a question ; but the cheer and support which those 
kind words of welcome afforded, are beyond my powers to 

The only possible explanation that occurs to me why the 
Linnean Society should have been so sympathetic, whereas 
the Boyal and Geological have been so much the other way, 
is that the first-named was much less under professorial rule. 

As the Linnean paper was highly condensed, and dry to a 
degree, I continued my work in the form of a lecture to the 
Torquay Natural History Society. Having taken in Nature 
from the first number, and that periodical being addicted to 
publishing lectures in extenso or abstract, enquiry was made 
whether the editor would entertain the idea of giving 
publicity to my " Waves and Fauna." The proposal was very 
civilly declined, without any request even to see the manu- 
script. Knowing of no other means of effectual publication, 
I had no option but to drop the research, which was 
accordingly done. However, the subject can afford to wait, 
though no evolutionist can afford to ignore it, and in the 


meantime my thanks are due, more especially, to Lord 
Rayleigh, Sir G. G. Stokes, the Eev. A. Cooke, and to the 
Brixham fisherman, Mr. George Hayden, who all, in one 
way or another, materially assisted me in my enquiry. 

A problem intimately connected with waves and shoals is 
the origin of rounded sand-grains. It is no easy matter 
to distinguish sands rounded by wind, sands rounded by 
waves, and sands derived from quartz rounded in the 
parent matrix, yet it is most important that geologists 
should not confound these varieties. Now, in 1886, I sent 
in a paper to the British Association at Birmingham on 
" Denudation and deposition experimentally considered " ; 
a subject of much importance to geologists, and one in which 
serious blunders have been made as to the action and point 
of attack of plunging waves. In this paper I demonstrated 
the lines of plunge on different slopes, and proved by experi- 
ment the persistence of the wave depression to the very last. 
Unfortunately, my constant antagonist, Professor Bonney, 
was Sectional President, and in his address promulgated the 
heresy that rounded sand-grains almost necessarily indicated 
seolian action, i.e. the action of wind. My own paper 
was treated with the utmost disrespect, my name being 
even omitted from the Sectional Committee; an unusual 
slight to an old member, and an almost unheard-of one to an 
old member communicating a paper. Thus I was unable to 
obtain any tidings of my paper, and it was only by almost 
unseemly importunity that it was given a grudging place, last 
but one, on the last day in the sub-section of Section C. 
Now, it must not be assumed this was such a very bad 
paper. It was subsequently privately printed, and dedicated 
by special permission to Lord Rayleigh. Professor Bonney's 
dictum from the chair, that rounded sand-grains implied 
wind action, seemed calculated to lead to much confusion, so 
I proposed a short paper on the rounding of sand-grains 
to the Geological Society, addressing my letter officially 
to the Secretaries. It never reached them, and ultimately, 
both the President and Assistant-Secretary deemed the 
paper, or possibly the subject, scarcely suitable for the 
Society. 6 The Society probably still believes that waves 
cannot round sand-grains, because sands on beaches are 
mostly crushed and angular. It may be observed that 
not only were my experiments and observations fortified by 
the mathematical conclusions of such physicists as Bayleigh 

6 My letters to the Geological Society appear as an appendix. The 
situation was not devoid of a certain spice oi humour. 


and Stokes, but I was in correspondence with the only 
geologist whose opinion I desired, viz., Dr. Sorby. The 
paper was re-written for the Devonshire Association, and as 
I would not wittingly, without the greatest care, publish 
anything in conflict with Dr. Sorby (as, in any question 
at issue, the presumption would be in favour of so accurate 
an observer), I submitted one apparent difficulty to him, 
but only to receive the explanation that our observa- 
tions were not inconsistent. 

It was obvious that it was useless bringing questions of 
physical geology either before the British Association or the 
Geological Society. In the meantime a singular coinci- 
dence had occurred. A note on a curious tank-experiment 
connected with the position of lighthouses on reefs had been 
suppressed by a prominent weekly. Profoundly disgusted 
with Section C. I sought at Manchester the practical atmo- 
sphere of the engineers, and was vastly interested by Pro- 
fessor Osborne Reynolds' paper on " Experiments on a small 
scale" (Estuaries), and Sir James Douglass 1 comments 
thereon. In a few days I found myself the only engineering 
layman, on one of the most important committees of the 
year : with the great authority on lighthouses as chairman, 
and Professor Osborne Reynolds as secretary. It was 
eminently one of those committees which should consist 
of two members with one absent. The work was subse- 
quently magnificently done by the secretary, who proved to 
demonstration the trustworthiness of what may be termed 
model tides and currents. As the committee was not 
convened the first year, there was no small commotion 
at Bath, in 1888, as to what had become of it; and it fell to 
my lot to appear before the engineers in their section-room, 
and plead for its re-appointment — perhaps, the best day's 
work that can be laid to my credit. 

In 1889, some unexpected observations on the Dartmoor 
granite suggested a new theory, viz., that although many of 
the granitic phenomena were post-Carboniferous, the rock 
was a partially re-dissolved granite of much greater age. 
This problem was submitted to the Devon Association, and 
an abstract sent to the British. It occurred to me that the 
paper might fare better without its author. And so it did, 
the entire abstract being printed in the Times. 

The following winter was devoted to the study of the fluid 
inclusions in the Dartmoor granites and veins ; a very 
attractive problem, and, probably, the key to the whole 
question. This problem could be expounded in twelve 


minutes, and a paper of that length was prepared for 
reading at Leeds. There was no press for time, and the 
Secretary said I might have my twelve minutes. The 
Sectional Chairman, however, suppressed me at ten — and 
a paper without its conclusion is usually a lame affair. In 
opening the discussion, the Chairman acknowledged his 
ignorance of the subject ; yet his parting shot, as I left the 
platform, was in effect a taunt that I could not defend my 
position. Such a rebuke from the chair is damning, and the 
reporters naturally omitted even the title of my paper — a 
better than the one which the year before had been published 
at length. The fact was, my paper was made a hook on 
which to hang Vesuvius ; and, as granitic questions are often 
far enough removed from volcanic ones, I was not equal to 
the occasion. I knew my own subject, but not every other. 

To my contention that the Dartmoor chlorides are chiefly 
of sodium, it was suggested they might be of potash, because 
Vesuvius emits chloride of potash. My answer, no doubt, 
should have been that the point was immaterial, that the 
chlorine was the important element in the case, but that 
sodium had been recorded in granitic chlorides by Sorby. 7 
However, it is very easy to trip a man up on side issues. It 
is quite conceivable that the chlorine might be dissociated 
from its sodium, or potassium, and then re-combined at a 
lower temperature ; but this hypothesis goes out of the way 
to seek needless difficulties. It is far simpler to accept — at 
any rate as a working hypothesis — the direct derivation of 
the sodium chloride from the sea-water at a temperature high 
enough for quartz-forming, but not for dissociation of the 
elements of the chlorides. 

As the Dartmoor research seemed only calculated to excite 
hostile opposition, that also was dropped. 

No further paper would have been submitted to the British 
Association, had not detrital tourmaline been detected in the 
metamorphic rocks of the Start, a discovery calculated to 
throw fresh light on a point where it was sadly needed. 
A short paper on the subject was read at Cardiff, a 
penological one, which unfortunately was taken with a 
stratigraphical one by Mr. Ussher, thus greatly compli- 
cating the discussions on the two. In the end the 
discussion was abruptly closed by the Chairman, though, 
as it happened, one of the Secretaries had just given the 
speaker a hint that it was rather an object to keep the 

7 " Liquid inclusions containing cubic crystals of common salt occur in the 
diorite of Quenast, Belgium." Tkall, Brit. Petrography , 26. 


debate going; as the business of the morning had been 
disposed of more rapidly than anticipated. However, it 
seemed fated that every problem from the West of England, 
however influentially supported privately, should be officially 
repressed. In every case the private encouragement had 
been remarkable, and not the least so at Cardiff, where just 
before reading my paper, the Director - General of the 
Geological Survey had in the committee-room openly re- 
marked on my metamorphic specimens, that he thought 
it quite possible they were Devonian. Since then he has 
himself described the Devonshire schists under the heading 
" Devonian." 

It was impossible to be blind to the fact that all my three 
problems, of denudation and deposition, the chloride inclu- 
sions, and the detrital tourmaline, had been accorded a 
reception by the British Association which had been posi- 
tively rude — not privately, but officially. I determined for 
the future to read no papers, and make no remarks. The 
last resolution it was impossible to keep, as the next year, 
at Edinburgh, I was present when Mr. Ussher read a paper 
on Dartmoor, and it might seem unfriendly on my part to let 
it pass in silence. Professor Bonney was, unfortunately, the 
Vice-President in the chair. My remarks were limited to 
one question and one observation. I merely asked if Mr. 
Ussher had decided that the Devon schists were Lower 
Devonian, they being so coloured on his map. This was, 
of course, a most interesting point on which to elicit a public 
utterance. My remark was simply that as Mr. Ussher in 
his Dartmoor researches had not trodden on my toes, I need 
say nothing more. Thus I asked a question for information, 
and expressed a general concurrence with Mr. Ussher's con- 
clusions. Extraordinary to say, this offended Professor 
Bonney, who sought to chastise me forthwith from the 
chair. And this is how he did it. Premising that he 
knew my Dartmoor views because I had sent him a paper, 
he went on to say that I rested my world on an elephant, 
the elephant on a tortoise, and the tortoise on a few micro- 
scopical crystals of chloride of sodium ! 8 It was obviously 
irrelevant to drag all this in for the sole object of public 
ridicule. This was the fourth unprovoked official attack 
from the British Association, so with an emphatic protest 
I left the hall. Not content with this, the Professor attacked 
me. most impertinently in the Geological Magazine in the sub- 

8 Such sarcasm may possibly suit an elementary class, but scarcely Sec. C. 
It is, however, a warning not to send Professors reprints. 


sequent autumn and winter ; followed up by a thrust in the 
back at the Geological Society, and finally by the Parthian- 
dart shot in the columns of Nature already referred to. It 
must not, however, be assumed that he was allowed to have 
it entirely his own way. 

The Edinburgh incident had its humorous side, as so 
many such incidents have. The tragedy of the drama lay in 
the fact that a paper honoured by the Devon Association 
had been held up to the ridicule of the geologists of the 
world. The comedy lay in the further fact that the two 
worst blots in that paper must be laid to the door of its 
critic, and that the paper itself was absolutely safe-guarded 
against successful attack. To explain: owing to press of 
time, I had been unable to check my facts and arguments to 
my own satisfaction, but it was expedient not to delay publi- 
cation. So to guard against the possibility of unwary 
readers being led astray, I took the strong course of heading 
my paper with the monitory motto, peculiarly applicable to 
a treatise on salt, " Cum grano salts'* One might suppose 
such humility would disarm venomous criticism, or, at any 
rate, that it would be patent to any opponent that he was 
openly invited to doubt as much as he pleased. Not so, 
however; my antagonist, as almost invariably the case, 
rushes headlong into the trap. 

In the second paragraph of the paper in question, it was 
plainly stated that I desired to see my problems and doubts 
•' solved and settled by those competent for the task." How 
much more seemly it would have been for the Chairman of the 
Geological Section of the British Association to have thrown 
some light on these problems, instead of going far out of his 
way to attack a fellow-student. The two blots referred to were 
the allowing weight to Professor Bonney's contention that 
the Channel granites and Devonshire schists were Archsean ; 
and the following Miss Eaisin, who followed Professor 
Bonney in identifying one of the schist-minerals as kyanite. 
All arguments of mine based on these premises must, of 
course, collapse. Evidence at present certainly tends to the 
conclusion that there are Archaean granites in the English 
Channel (e.g., No. 19), but as the Devon schists are clearly 
Devonian, and the Eddystone gneiss probably so, my agree- 
ment with Professor Bonney to this extent is but a coinci- 
dence. Although in science discussion is the soul of 
progress, it must be a londfide friendly encounter, in which 
each combatant tries to do his opponent the service of 
winnowing the chaff from his grain. When the threshers 


lay their flails along each other's backs instead of on the 
corn, useless fighting takes the place of useful work. 

There is, perhaps, nothing more inspiriting to a student 
sure of his facts, than to be in a minority of one. Such has 
been my privilege as to the following dozen moot points, 
viz., (1) the formation of ripple-mark by wave-currents ; (2) 
the rounding of sand-grains on shoals ; (3) the pre-Devonian 
age of the Dartmoor granite ; (4) the marine origin of the 
chloride inclusions in its quartzes ; (5) the mode of forma- 
tion of adjacent brine and fresh- water inclusions; (6) the 
Lower Devonian age of the Start quartz-schists; (7) the 
Devonian age of the Eddystone gneiss ; (8) the influence of 
wave-currents on the marine fauna ; (9) the identity of the 
British Aplysia d^pUans with A. punctata ; (10) the in sitH 
character of a certain granite south of the Eddystone ; (11) 
Dartmoor tourmaline not directly derived from mica or 
felspar ; (12) wave disturbance at forty fathoms, and over. 
Whether correct or not, in each of these cases, so far as I 
know, my views at one time or another have not been shared 
by a single colleague, but neither have my positions been 
shaken. Up to a certain point, opposition is of great value 
to a student, but it may be carried too far. Of fair criticism 
there can scarcely be too much. For instance, it is im- 
possible to over-estimate the value of Mr. Pengeily's 
" Notes and Notices," in which year by year he pointed out 
inaccurate statements concerning Devonshire geology. 9 It 
is too much the custom among geologists to leave their 
opponents severely alone, with the result that two recipro- 
cally contemptuous students often blunder along their 
solitary paths, instead of by mutual assistance making the 
journey easier for both. When professorial trades unionism 
enters into the question, active opposition takes the place 
of indifference, and the cry is " 'Ere *s a stranger, let 's 'eave 
'arf a brick at him! 1 ' This does not facilitate the stranger's 
upward climb. It impedes it 

Indeed, careful co-operation is equally necessary between 
colleagues, as was curiously exemplified in the case of a 
paper published in our Transactions, " The Thatcher Raised 

8 For years not a sentence of mine was published without a defence being 
ready for well-nigh every dot and comma, in case of attack by my master 
and trainer, Mr. Pengelly. One such attack was made, but I was more 
frightened than hurt, and no single joint of the armour was pierced. Mr. 
Pengelly's conduct was most chivalrous. He gave me timely notice of the 
intended onslaught, and then, when I had hit him back as hard as I could, 
he gave me further notice he intended to let the subject drop. Whereupon 
I, of course, regretted having hit quite so hard. 

See " Reply to a Recent Critique." Trans. Dev. Assoc, xv. 202. 


Beach, its Shells and their Teaching/ 1 This paper may be 
said to owe its existence to my friend Mr. D. Pidgeon's 
enthusiastic work in identifying the shell fragments which 
I from time to time collected. Owing to the comminuted 
condition of both shells and beach material, Mr. Pidgeon 
used constantly to point out to me the abnormal character 
of the beach ; and to express his scepticism that it was a 
beach at all. For my own part, I should as soon question 
the accuracy of the multiplication table because a problem 
in arithmetic presented difficulties, as question the genuine- 
ness of the Torbay raised beaches because some of their 
phenomena were hard to explain. However, Mr. Pidgeon 
read a paper to the Geological Society on the " So-called 
* Raised Beaches/ " in which he denied they were beaches ; 
and in the discussion another very good friend of mine denied 
they were raised. This was questioning the raised beach 
multiplication-table with a vengeance. Some time afterwards 
Professor Prestwich read a paper to the Geological Society, 
dealing with raised beaches, in which he mentioned my own 
work with much kindness, but absolutely ignored the paper 
aspersing the character of our classical old beaches. 

I am confident that had Mr. Pidgeon visited the beaches, 
instead of relying entirely on my material, their large base 
stones, stratification, blown sand, and beach-platforms cut 
out of the rock, would have satisfied him as to their 
genuineness as true beaches; leaving still outstanding the 
point he had so shrewdly detected, viz., the extraordinary 
character of their angular debris and broken shells. I take 
blame to myself not to have paid more attention to Mr. 
Pidgeon's warnings as to these unusual characters, but, being 
quite absorbed with " the shells and their teaching/ 1 I failed 
to appreciate the significance of Mr. Pidgeon's observations. 
At present the matter stands thus. It is an open question 
with the Geological Society whether there are any raised 
beaches in Devonshire. If such there be, Mr. Pidgeon's 
facts have still to be accounted for. 

Having mentioned Professor Prestwich's paper, I may 
call attention to one point concerning the detached blocks of 
stone trawled in the Channel Nothing can exceed the 
graciousness of the Professor's references to my raised-beach 
and Channel researches, researches which owe much to 
his own kindness in sending me valuable old papers, by 
Godwin - Austen, and others. But in giving me credit for 
being with him in the belief that the Channel blocks are 
erratics, he pays me a compliment entirely undeserved. I 


have stoutly maintained throughout that the blocks, as a 
whole, represent rocks which form the Channel floor, and 
that a granite, No. 19, was actually torn off the parent rock 
by the trawl-rope. There are a great many arguments 
which might be adduced in favour of the foreign origin 
of the blocks, and as many or more in favour of their being 
in sitlX, when not disturbed and carried about by the 
trawlers. To solve this question would require a good deal 
of time, a good deal of money, and much petrological skill — 
three strands not always found in the same rope. 

The position of the amateur is but ill-understood by the 
advocates of the endowment of research, and of professorial 
science. The amateur scientific crew are much like the crew 
of the cruiser Undaunted, for whom their captain, Lord 
Charles Beresford, provided the bugle call, u Undaunted* be 
ready, Undaunteds be steady, Undaunteds look out for a job." 
Nothing could describe the amateur's position more precisely : 
he must be undaunted, always ready, always steady, and on 
the constant look out for a job. While the professorial 
battleship has to keep station, to be in touch with the rest of 
the fleet, and to be complete to the minutest detail, and her 
captain a perfect strategist, liable by the chance of war to 
succeed at any time to the chief command ; the cruiser may 
be called upon at any moment to do anything, from engaging 
an enemy at overpowering odds, to warning his own Admiral 
he is running into danger. When a British captain has to 
engage an enemy on land, or at sea, it is marvellous how 
blind he is as to whether he can reasonably anticipate 
success. And the metaphor can be carried still further ; for 
it has happened that cruisers have occasionally been executing 
their orders, while their Admirals have been engaged in 
ramming each other to destruction. Certainly, "our Devon- 
shire Geological cruisers, from our old Commodore, Mr. 
Pengelly, downwards, have never paused a moment to 
calculate odds ; and indeed, from the stirring times of Good 
Queen Bess, and of the Spanish Armada, the Devon shipmen 
have rarely failed to hang on to any unwieldy enemy who 
has appeared in their waters, and to render an excellent 
account of themselves. Truly, our comrade, Mr. Somervail, 
deserves well of his adopted county for having alone, and 
amid public derision, hung on to that cumbrous foe the 
Archaean hypothesis, when it obtained a brief foothold on our 
southern coasts, never relaxing his hold till other Devon 
shallops dashed in to the rescue ; and then, after having drawn 
the enemy's fire, and so called attention to the fray, our 


comrade, like many another before him, quietly retires, 
almost unnoticed. 

Perhaps, of all sciences in England, Geology is the most 
singularly situated, studied as it is by three distinct sets of 
students, viz., professors, professionals, and amateurs. Besides 
the teaching staff of professors, we have Government officers 
on the Survey and in the National Museum ; and these in 
addition to amateurs. The chief distinction seems to rest 
with the mere fact of teaching. Pupils must, to some 
extent, be taught dogmatically, and it is hard for a teacher 
to have to change front before his class. Between the dogma 
of the professor and the working hypothesis of the geological 
surveyor there can be nothing in common. In fact, until 
the stage of the working hypothesis is long past, that of 
dogma is scarcely in sight. The surveyor attacking an 
appointed task, in order to marshal his facts and sort his 
evidence, finds it convenient to work, so to Bpeak, by trial 
and error. Assuming some probable hypothesis, he tests it 
by every new discovery, until the hypothesis either breaks 
down completely, or, gradually growing in strength, imper- 
ceptibly becomes a theory. It is most important to 
remember that the working hypothesis is often but the 
means to an end, the scaffold to erect the building, liable to 
alteration at any time, and finally to removal : and further, 
that the rejection of a once-favoured hypothesis is not the 
sign of a weak man, but of a strong one. The amateur rarely 
has a working hypothesis, as he seldom attempts a set task. 
It is for him, generally, to take note of isolated facts, often 
during a long course of years, and his method is to follow 
the facts wherever they lead him. To give one instance from 
my own experience. A fisherman sent in a soda-water 
"bottle, half full of muddy sand, which narrowly escaped being 
rejected as worthless : the contents were examined, referred 
to Mr. D. Pidgeon, who in turn consulted Mr. Gwyn-Jeffreys ; 
and a marvellous collection of shells identified. Bottle 
ground on outside, not inside : encrusted with serpulse. At 
a meeting, Lord Kelvin mentions long waves recorded by 
Sir G. G. Stokes. A letter is addressed to Sir G. G. Stokes, 
with particulars of the bottle. Sir G. G. Stokes calculates 
the wave disturbance at 40 fathoms, and finds it sufficient to 
account for abrasion of the bottle. Thus, convincing 
evidence is obtained of the intermittent action of waves on 
the sea-bottom at considerable depths. In such a case as 
this no working hypothesis is desirable. We have to ascer- 
tain whether waves can roll about a bottle, at long intervals, 



in about 40 fathoms ; and it is advisable not to assume the 
answer before studying each step in the problem. Working 
hypotheses should rarely be celebrated in type. Artists are 
not in the habit of sending their palettes to the Boyal 
Academy, though the palette is the means to the end of the 
finished picture. Just as the expression of opinion is the 
confession of ignorance, so the working hypothesis is the 
admission of uncertainty ; and to return once more to Mr. 
Pengelly's admirable dictum — " We want to hear what Mr. 
X. knows, not what he thinks." The opinion of the professor 
is too often the curse of the student, an artificial barrier 
across an otherwise practicable path— a sign-post with its 
arms reversed. 

The future of geology in England is most uncertain. Some 
thirty years ago the brunt of the battle was borne by 
amateurs — Lyell, ' Murchison, Darwin, Godwin - Austen, 
Prestwich, Sorby, Pengelly, and other such. In those days 
there was no professional training, and very few professors. 
Indeed, originally, geology was but a branch of mineralogy, 
and the object of the Geological Society, to study the 
mineral structure of the earth. Now it is different. An 
influential body of scientists aims at the endowment of 
research, and this involves the substitution of the dictum 
of the Professor for the free speech and discussion of the 
amateur. It may be objected that I have called Professor 
Prestwich an amateur, but, as Sir John Lubbock has pointed 
out, that distinguished geologist was a merchant before he 
was Professor of Geology at Oxford. (The Use of Lift, p. 48.) 
In the case of an amateur, however distinguished, his 
knowledge represents no pecuniary equivalent, and may be 
as freely asked as it is invariably freely bestowed, but in the 
case of the professional scientist, it would be as unfair to 
expect from him his professional knowledge gratuitously, as 
it would be to expect the same from doctor or lawyer. On 
one occasion, desiring an item of information from a young 
analystic Professor on a question of water, I wrote him 
a civil letter, offering, in case I was guilty of a breach of 
etiquette, a fee of a guinea. As might be anticipated, 
the letter was unanswered. Had my amateur correspondents 
acted in a similar way, almost every one of my researches 
would have fallen through. 

Theoretically, omniscient professors with unlimited leisure, 
and fully endowed, would be the scientific Utopia. But un- 
fortunately, professors are not omniscient, and their very 
professional duties take up time that might be devoted to 


research. In many instances, an amateur living within sight 
of a problem may, in the course of his life, glean important 
facts, from which a Professor, in the course of a well-earned 
week's holiday, may be, by force of circumstances, debarred. 
The amateur who visits a new railway-cutting every day of 
its excavation may secure facts, to be concealed for evermore 
by the grass that will ere long cover its slopes. It is diffi- 
cult to see how, in the interests of science, " those enemies to 
true progress," as the Times dubs amateurs, can be entirely 
dispensed with, and it is equally hard to see, if young 
professors so think of them and treat them, how they will 
ultimately survive. I write rather of the future than the 
present, and not at all of the past. Conscious as I am of 
invaluable assistance from Professors Boyd-Dawkins, Prest- 
wich, Bayleigh, and Stokes, it could not be otherwise ; but 
in the meantime, it is doubtful whether either of these dis- 
tinguished specialists would stigmatize amateurs the enemies 
of true progress. The only progress amateurs oppugn is 
retrograde, if so glaring a bull may be pardoned. 

Of "Fellowship" in scientific societies there seems but 
little, the term being an instance of " survival." It is bad 
policy, however, to discourage the subscription -paying 
crowd. In my own case, whereas the co-operation and 
esprit du corps of the Devonshire Association, and Torquay 
Natural History Society, have been of inestimable advantage, 
the Royal Society, the Geological, and the British Association 
have been purely obstructive, making work, already difficult, 
almost impossible. 

Having many intricate problems on hand, in which the 
difficulties have been clearly defined, I have listened most 
attentively to the experts at the British Association, but 
their remarks, unlike " Homocea," have ever failed to ° touch 
the spot" 1 The language of penologists is too often both 
sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal. It is the commonest 
thing to find rocks described as containing opacite, ferrite, 
viricQte, and a mineral which is either felspar or quartz. 
This sounds learned, but is a pure statement of ignorance. 
Some minerals are, no doubt, opaque ; others green ; many 
have some connection with iron ; others are transparent, and 
the odds are, are felspar or quartz. There are few other 
things they can be without instant detection. Most of the 
Dartmoor granites can be correctly described as composed of 
transparentite, translucentite, opacite, greenite, and brownite, 
with occasional crystals of blueite and yellowite. This, 

1 Referring to the well-known advertisement 

u 2 


however, is not sufficient for the student, who desires either 
to learn what a mineral is, or to ascertain that its exact 
character is unknown. Take the case of chlorite and 
viridite : both may be translated greenite. Now, chlorite is 
a secondary mineral of known composition. Viridite, if not 
chlorite, is usually hornblende, and to call it viridite is to 
express ignorance of the only point which it is essential to 
know, no doubt in a very learned sort of way. If, whenever 
a petrologist had not proof of the character of a mineral, he 
would either leave it alone, or call it agnostite, ignorantite, or 
some such name, it would simplify papers immensely. 
What a student desires to ascertain is what is known. 
Guesses are of no manner of interest. When a traveller in a 
new country asks the road, he requires a plain answer, one 
way or the other. A sign-post is of greater value than the 
most learned disquisition on the probable direction of his 
goal. To the wayfarer in the less beaten tracks of science, 
the sign-post, it may be noted, is as often outside the Royal 
Society as in it. Of the friends who helped me in my 
zoological work, Messrs. Gwatkin, Cooke, Marshall, Pidgeon, 
Stebbing, and Norman were all then without the pale, though 
the last-named has since passed within it. In South Devon 
my chief colleagues, Messrs. Harker, Somervail, Tawney, 
Ussher, and Worth, have all been outside the great divide, 
and per contra, strange to say, the resistance of the anvil, so 
necessary to all the best hammer-work, has been supplied by 
the Societies. My paper on " Ripple-mark," subsequently 
favourably mentioned by Forel, de Candolle, G. H. Darwin, 
and others, and now actually cited in geological text-books, 
was returned by the secretaries with a request to have it 
shortened, if possible. They had, however, to take it or 
leave it. This paper was severely left alone in the Presi- 
dent's annual review of papers. 

In connection with the above paper, one or two amusing 
incidents may be noticed. The investigation comprised two 
novel points of principle, and one of detail, i.e. (1) proof that 
oscillating waves could be studied by means of models, and 
that the behaviour of the model waves was in accord with 
the mathematical theory of waves. (2) The vast question 
of the variation of the forms of marine animals induced 
by waves. (3) The demonstration of the manner of forma- 
tion of ripple-mark in sand, so far as concerns the Geologist. 
My conclusions differed from those of Dr. Sorby in so far 
that they tended to prove that oscillating wave-currents had 
been too much overlooked in favour of continuous currents ; 


so that " ripple-drift " had been treated as the rule instead of 
the exception. Now, of course, I might have accentuated 
this, and tried to pick holes in the work of a man whose 
pencil I was scarcely worthy to cut, and who has always 
treated me with the utmost kindness. I determined to con- 
fine myself to my own experiments and observations. 
Presently, my manuscript came back, referring me to 
Dr. Sorby's works, and with a request for curtailment. 
It may be noted that, after all, my three subjects only 
took eighteen pages between them. In response to this, 
I added a diplomatic paragraph minimising to the utmost 
my difference from Dr. Sorby, and I may have possibly cut 
out a few lines, but when a paper has been already condensed 
to the best of the author's ability, it is no easy matter to 
mutilate it to please outsiders, without serious injury to its 
value as a whole. That paper, from that day to this, has 
never been discussed, though now cited as an authority, 
and I was informed on the best authority that it had been 
unfavourably received. Before publication, the famous soda- 
water bottle had come to hand, confirming my other observa- 
tions in the most striking manner. A note of a few lines 
was accordingly added, but this was unceremoniously omitted. 
The two main principles established by this paper, viz., the 
efficacy of models, and the influence of waves on fauna, have 
never, I believe, been noticed by the Society. Let us see 
how this despised paper, or its principles, were received 
elsewhere. (1) Mentioned in the British Association's 
Presidential Address at Montreal; (2) handsomely recog- 
nised by Douglas and Reynolds in their appointment of 
its author as a member of the Estuaries Committee; 
(3) commended by Forel, de Candolle, G. H. Darwin, and 
P. H. Gosse; and (4) finally recognised by the exceedingly 
complimentary election to the Linnean Society. Tet I am 
confident that had it not been for the influential position 
of the Fellow who communicated this paper, all three 
researches would have been promptly suppressed by the 
Royal Society of London. 

There is not the smallest doubt that had I studied physi- 
ology under a Professor, and devoted my spare time to 
mincing live monkeys, or some such cheerful occupation, 
the latter-day road to fame, the work would have been 
discussed, and the way thereby made smooth: but, for 
steady research of the old sort, there is but a poor market 
nowadays; unless the goods are duly branded with the 
professorial iron, published cum privilegio. Indeed, what 


with Professors professing they will not listen to evidence ; 
or too busy to afford students five minutes of time devoted 
to polemics ; or suppressing essential discussion in their one- 
sided journals ; British science is going the best way to fairly 
^arn the scepticism and covert contempt it too often gets 
from an indifferent public. And the scepticism of the public 
is a very genuine thing. 2 

I remember once at a conversazione showing a gentleman 
a slide of fossil desert sand, and telling him how the slide 
proclaimed an arid desert, a river, and a lake. He did not 
think I was a knave, and was too polite to say I was a fool, 
but clearly thought so. Tet the chain of evidence was 
almost as complete as could be wished. 

In connection with the Royal Society, one or two Devon 
Association incidents may be of interest X, Y, and Z were 
three old members, of whom X was f.r.s. Then came Y to 
Z, declaring that if X was F.R.S., there was no reason what- 
ever why he, Y, should not put up too. Y accordingly 
became a candidate. Thereupon, immediately came X to Z 
declaring that if Y got in, the fellowship was not worth 
having. Z, the confidant of both friends, chuckled greatly 
over this. However,! must confess that Y rather overrated 
his claims. He was, no doubt, an able general practitioner, 
but X and Z were both specialists and authorities in their 
respective lines of study. 

One disappointment pained me, perhaps, more than it did 
the chief actor. I was driving out with an old friend who 
had devoted the leisure of a long life to Natural History ; 
our goal, a fossiliferous cliff of high importance, which he 
had practically discovered for science, because he had been 
the means of fixing its most important horizon. Suddenly 
he said to me, "Well, they elected you, but they would 
not have me." A confusion of thought, for the "theys" were 
different. He referred to my election by a club, and his re-, 
jection by the Royal Society. The remark was hard to meet, 
but my proffered consolation was, " You must either invent 
some new theory, or upset somebody else's theory ; it does not 
matter the least which, but you must do one or the other." 
But the plague of it, that this kindly old naturalist should 
have put himself in competition with "the professors and 
their young pupils, or assistants," and felt this shadow fall 
on the last years of his life. My own experience may be 

2 . . . "it would not surprise one to hear the contrary view laid down 
authoritatively any day ; for science is hardly more stable in its views than 
the British Electorate. — Spec. Corresp. Times, Aug. 6, 1895. 


worth a note, too. Almost before I had done a stroke of 
solid work, an old F.R.S., with a quizzical expression, en- 
quired one day if I had any ambition to be a Fellow of the 
KoyaL Pausing a moment, I replied that the fellowship would 
not be of much use, but that I should certainly like to be up 
to R S. standard. Long years after this, there happened 
a casual visit to the same old philosopher, and the un- 
erpected enquiry, not quizzical this time, "Whether I had 
ever thought of becoming a candidate for the Eoyal Society?" 
No, I certainly had not — obloquy and contempt do not lead to 
that goal ; it was all I could do to stem the opposition, without 
seeking to join the current. But the quarter the suggestion 
came from — it was quite sufficient. Had I been elected by 
the unanimous vote of the existing Council, with the 
approval of the ghosts of all previous ones, and my Nestor 
had doubted, the satisfaction would have been less. 

The suggestion was promptly scouted as preposterous; 
but I, later on, went so far as to inquire the modus operandi. 
I was fairly taken aback. My idol was a shattered Dagon. 
The first prescription was to take a list of members, to note 
my friends, and enlist their services. What! write myself? 
Yes, nowadays, election entails hard work on the part 
of the candidate. Then far better stay out ; and the only 
use made of the list was to analyse the composition of 
the Society as already mentioned. The result of this analysis, 
together with years of observation of the feuds and petty 
jealousies of scientists, resulted in the conviction that, 
however gratifying election may be to the amateur, and 
however valuable to the professional man whom it places at 
the top of his profession, amateurs would serve the cause of 
science far better by preserving their independence and 
criticising the professors, than by humbly going, cap in hand, 
to solicit their patronage ; and, indeed, there is far too much 
of such obsequiousness in the characters from last places, 
submitted by suppliants for vacant situations at Burlington 
House. I have known of one man, one of the bright lights 
of the century, who, with the most patent humility, has not 
been able to conceal his gratification with the mystic F.R.S., 
and a little attention from some university. An electric- 
light basking in the illumination of a gas jet; or, perhaps 
more accurately, a diamond rejoicing in its golden setting. 

It is, however, very hard to realise that a man is no 
wiser for being made f.r.s. I am entirely unable to do so 
myself; yet it must be the case. 

When a provincial naturalist follows up some definite line 


of study, he sooner or later finds himself brought up, to 
use an expressive nautical term, by some incidental col- 
lateral problem which his library and local friends are 
unable to surmount. The obvious course for him to pursue 
is to submit the point to some learned society, at whose 
hands he may either obtain the desired information, or, 
what may prove equally useful, ascertain that the point is 
undecided, and a question for further research. If, however, 
he attempts this, the probability is that his paper will be 
rejected, as being either immature, controversial, of the nature 
of preliminary notes, or as constituting only a single phase of 
a long discussion. Papers tainted with these characters have 
been pronounced by the highest authority undesirable for pre- 
sentation to the Geological Society. 8 And yet, as every theory 
depends on a number of hypotheses, any one of which, if dis- 
proved will wreck it like a house of cards, the most elaborate 
theory may often be best tested by attacking these hypotheses 
in detail. Take, for instance, the immense problem of the 
Dartmoor granite, upon which volumes might with advantage 
be written. The chief question to be answered is this. Is 
the granite older or newer than the culm slates adjoining. 
Yes, or no? Now, this question might be conceivably be 
answered in a variety of ways. It might be proved that the 
Dartmoor rock presented features peculiar to post-Carbon- 
iferous granites ; or that the granite altered the culm rocks at 
contact ; or that it injected them ; or that it caught up frag- 
ments of these rocks ; or that it overflowed them. A long 
treatise might be written in support of many of these pro- 
positions, and no doubt every fact should be given its due 
weight in an exhaustive treatise on Dartmoor. But the 
whole theory would be effectually shaken by a single fact 
proving that the granite was older than the culm rocks : e.g., 
Dartmoor granite in a culm conglomerate ; or culm slate 
lying in sitil on the granite, absolutely unaffected thereby. 
Now, our provincial might very well have the opportunity to 
collect the evidence without the technical skill to make the 
most of it Obviously, his better course would be to state 
the case to the best of his ability, and submit it to a grand 
jury of experts, who would decide whether the evidence 
justified further enquiry. 

Let me illustrate my meaning by one example. On the 
road, near Yarner Wells, north of Heytor, the culm in the 
immediate vicinity of the main mass of the typical porphyritic 
granite is apparently unaltered ; elsewhere, when in contact 

3 Proc OeoL Soc. 1886-7, p. 53. 


with the finer grained rock, it is indurated. In a slice of fine 
culm sandstone, from Kamshorn Down, there are indications 
of chlorides in the detrital quartz-grains. These are clues 
which call for further investigation, and might of themselves 
lead to the utter rout of the exclusively post-Carboniferous 
theory : just as the induration by the fine intrusive granite 
demolishes any exclusive pre-Carboniferous theory. Then 
there are the culm conglomerates awaiting investigation, a 
museum of pre-Carboniferous rocks, an unworked mine of 
scientific wealth. But what inducement is there to dig 
therein ? Nay, how much warning is there to desist from 
any such attempt ? though, probably, not one geologist in a 
thousand knows where these culm conglomerates are. 

In the course of prolonged work on different subjects, the 
student has often to leave interesting points by the wayside, 
in the hope that they may be returned to at some future 
time. Vain hope, for such points gather like snowballs as 
time runs on. In conclusion, I propose to mention a few 
such attractions reluctantly left behind on my own path. 
For brevity, I state them in the form of an examination 

(1.) Felspar-quartz-tourmaline veins, often deposited in 
that order, are common on Dartmoor; the same secondary 
minerals often pervade the ordinary granite. How are they 
all related, to themselves and the parent rock ? 

(2.) Quartz-mica concretions occasionally assume the 
crystalline outlines of felspar, as though replacing that 
mineral. Of this there is no evidence, no intermediate 
links. May not these forms be analogous with the negative 
crystals of the fluid inclusions ; determined by a felspathic 
solution, or magma ? 

(3.) What is the age of these quartz-mica concretions ? 

(4.) Quartz-tourmaline concretions are common in connec- 
tion with invading granites, just as the quartz-mica 
concretions are common in the main masses; what 
determines these different accretions ? 

(5.) Does tourmaline ever, strictly speaking, replace either 
mica or felspar, in the sense that silica or pyrites replace 
the carbonates of a shell ? 

(6.) Compact, typical tourmaline, often breaks up into 
needles, rods, and allotriomorphic crystals. What are the 
processes, and how do they differ in each case ? 

(7.) Describe the fluid inclusions of all the chief granite 
exposures of Devon, Cornwall, and Brittany. Mention their 
points of resemblance and difference. 


(8.) Describe the fluid inclusions in the secondary quartzes 
of certain Devonian diabasic rocks, e.g. those of Winslade. 
Distinguish them, if you can, from inclusions in plutonic 

(9.) State clearly the points of difference between the fluid 
inclusions of quartzes connected with granites, eruptive 
rocks, and sedimentary rocks; not including the detrital 
quartz of sandstones. 

(10.) Assuming the purely post-Carboniferous age of the 
Dartmoor granites, how do you account for the fact that 
saline and fresh- water fluid inclusions lie side by side in well- 
nigh every cubic foot of the rock ? 

(11.) Assuming that the granite was pre-Carboniferous, ex- 
plain the veins and intrusions which invade the culm slates. 

(12.) The Dartmoor granite is divided roughly by three 
systems of joints, in addition to an apparent bedding, which 
commonly follows the contour of the ground. Explain all 
four; bearing in mind the luted joints seen in freshly- 
blasted specimens, and the tendency of the rock occasionally 
to split along definite planes. 

(13.) Quartz veins in the carboniferous rocks near the 
granite often contain chloride inclusions. Discuss the rela- 
tion of these quartz veins to the granitic quartzes, more 
especially with regard to their initial temperatures. 

(14.) Compact characteristic brown tourmaline crystallises 
sometimes before quartz. Compact green tourmaline 
crystallises sometimes before and sometimes after quartz, the 
two inosculating. Discuss these points of difference. 

(15.) Quartz-mica concretions often contain porphyritic 
crystals of felspar, sometimes with rounded outlines; are 
these invariably older than the concretions ? 

(16.) The felspar-quartz-tourmaline rocks of Dartmoor are 
often entirely free from mica : whereas the ordinary felspar- 
quartz-mica rock almost invariably contains tourmaline. 
Suggest a working hypothesis to cover these facts, explaining 
the origin of the two rocks. 

(17.) Near Bovey Tracey the ordinary granite is divided 
from the culm slates by a large exposure of felsite, which 
invades the culm. At Bottor rock is the well-known 
diabase. Explain the origin and mutual relations of the 
three rocks. 

(18.) South of Dartmoor, towards the metamorphic dis- 
trict, felsitic and basic exposures occur, lying between the 
Channel granites and the Dartmoor granites ; to which are 
they more closely related ? 


(19.) At Erme Mouth crystalline rocks abound on the 
coast ; to what extent do these resemble the Dartmoor rocks 
on the north, and the Channel rocks on the south ? 

(20.) Assuming the metamorphic rocks to be Archaean, 
account for their general resemblance as a series, of green 
rocks, mica-schists, and quartz schists (the latter with tour- 
malines), to the greenstones, slates, and sandstones (with 
tourmalines) of the Devonians. 

(21.) Assuming the schists to be Devonian, explain the 
abruptness of the metamorphic boundary line. 

(22.) To what, if any, extent is the absence of augite in 
the metamorphic green rocks due to pressure, taking into 
consideration the fact that the augite has completely dis- 
appeared in certain of the Devonian greenstones ? 

(23.) Trace the formation of the secondary albite in 
the metamorphic green rocks. 

(24.) Discuss the presence of two crystalline erratics on 
the beach, near the Prawle. Describe them accurately, and 
give your reasons for believing them connected, or otherwise, 
with the blocks trawled in the Channel. 

(25.) On the assumption that the Channel blocks are 
erratics, how do you explain the abundance of granitic 
gravel and sand on the floor of the English Channel ? 

(26.) On the assumption that the blocks are in sitiX, how 
do you explain the distinctness of the crystalline granitoid 
rocks from those of Devon and Cornwall ? 

(27.) Compare the Eddystone gneiss and veins with 
the schists and veins near Salcombe, with special regard 
to the microliths in the Eddystone felspar. 

(28.) Compare the Lundy granite with the Dartmoor. 
Explain why the Lundy rock is invaded by basic rocks, 
whereas the Dartmoor rock is not so. Note the felspars 
and fluid inclusions of these two granites. 

(29.) Chlorides are not uncommon in the quartz-sand 
of Start Bay. No chlorides have been recorded in any of 
the Channel blocks. Why is this so ? 

(30.) Compare the schorlaceous rocks of Dartmoor, the 
Teignmouth breccias, and the Budleigh Salterton pebble 
bed, and discuss the probability, or otherwise, of their 
being related. Note particularly any differences. 

(31.) Describe the sand from the Skerries Shoal, in 
Start Bay. How do you distinguish remaniS rolled grains, 
remaniS unrolled grains, felspars and quartzes rounded 
in their parent rocks, and sands whose rounding is entirely 
the work of the waves ? 


(32.) Distinguish granite river sand from the above. 

(33.) What are the special characters of beach sands, 
as compared with sands from deserts, shoals, and rivers? 

(34.) The Torbay Raised Beaches are proved to be true 
beaches by their stratification, and their beach-platforms cut 
out of the rock. Their components are so angular and 
unwaterworn that some geologists have denied their beach 
character. Reconcile these apparently conflicting facta. 
Both are facts. 

(35.) Certain spheroidal chert pebbles, common on the 
Chesil Bank, have been found on the raised beach between 
Brixham and Berry Head. Cardium edule, a brackish water 
cockle, is abundant on the Thatcher Beach. Restore the 
coast-line between Berry Head and Portland, in the Raised 
Beach era, to make these occurrences possible. 

(36.) A bluish schorlaceous crystalline rock, apparently 
peculiar to the Teignmouth conglomerates, has been dis- 
covered at the Berry Head Beach. Discuss the presence 
of this stone in connection with the chert and cockles 
referred to above. 

(37.) Between Trochus zizyphinus and Trochus granulatus 
there seems every connecting link, both as to the granulated 
sculpture and the profile. Is one the littoral, and the other 
the coralline zone representative of a common ancestor, and 
which is the older form of the two ? The radulae of inter- 
mediate forms should be examined. 

(38.) Flat-fish, lying on sand, are protected by form and 
colour. Against what enemies does each of these protect ? 

(39.) Assuming the giant sea-hares of Torbay to be the 
ordinary Aplysia punctata, how do you account for their un- 
precedented size; their extreme rarity; and the abnormal 
form of the shells ? Assuming them to be a distinct species, 
A. depilans, how do you account for their regular sequence 
from molluscs indistinguishable from A. punctata, both as to 
size and radulae; also for the fact that A. depilans and 
A. punctata have been taken by Mr. Gwyn-Jeffireys, breed- 
ing together ? 

(40.) Stalagmite accumulates in three distinct ways — by 
evaporation of the water in the air ; by discharge of carbonic 
acid in a saturated atmosphere ; and in a third manner not 
explained. The stalagmite of the Borness Cave and the 
granular stalagmite of Kent's Cavern are examples of the 
first two processes. Give your reasons for believing that the 
crystalline stalagmite of Kent's Cavern represents Arctic 
conditions, in which the surface was either frozen hard, 


with no circulation of water, or that, when not frozen, the 
temperature of the cave was invariably colder than the outer 
air ; whereas, at present, the temperature is the mean 
temperature of the district. Discuss this question in con- 
nection with the nodule and flake-tool men, with the glacial 
epoch, and with the antiquity of man in general. 

The foregoing forty thieves — for they have stolen a deal of 
time — are all that occur to me currente ccUamo. They are 
all questions which involve principle ; rungs of the ladder 
which, if firmly surmounted, would place the climber 
definitely one step higher, with a clearer view and more 
extended horizon. It is doubtful whether, in the near 
future, amateurs would be allowed to attack them without 
the passive boycott or personal insult from those in high 
places. And yet these questions ought to be grappled with. 
Who will make the attempt ? Any one who floors the paper 
would deserve a and an f.r.s., though he would not 
get them. However, he would ensure many steps in 
advance, which would be far better. 

It is very important for the student to remember that the 
fret object of all the publishing scientific societies is to 
avoid plagiarism. Truth is quite a secondary consideration. 
It is a necessary inexorable rule that no alteration should 
T>e made in a paper after reception. This would not, how- 
ever, be necessary could scientists be trusted not to pick 
each other's brains without acknowledgment. The procedure 
is commonly as follows : — A scientist propounds an untenable 
theory, which is more or less torn to rags in the subsequent 
discussion. The theory, however, is published without 
amendment, to the discomfiture of the unwary student. 
Often, if the discussion could be published, and the paper 
omitted, science would be the better gainer. The publica- 
tions of the Institution of Civil Engineers are often of 
extraordinary value, as the discussions are printed at con- 
siderable length. Before reading a paper in the Journal of 
the Geological Society, it is advisable to read the brief 
comments of those who have heard the paper. The student 
-will usually perceive that the paper is but an essay expound- 
ing the views of the writer, from which scientists of equal 
or greater eminence entirely dissent. In the case of original 
research the precept must be taken literally — " Believe 
nothing that you hear, and only half that you see." Nothing 
must be taken for granted, every step must be retraced, and 
every assertion verified. No opportunity must be missed of 
exposing doubtful points to criticism. In the case of the 


Channel blocks (it is begging the question to call them 
boulders), an early paper was read to the Torquay Natural 
History Society, before Mr. Pengelly and Dr. Sorby; six 
times was the question submitted to the Devon Association, 
twice to the British Association, and once introduced to the 
readers of the Geological Magazine, The upshot of the 
whole being that on this question, doctrine seems still far 
from crystallisation into dogma. 

In conclusion, I may mention an incident which made a 
great impression on myself. Feeling the great responsibilty 
of the search for truth, even in comparatively trivial quests, 
I was startled to realise myself under the stimulus of 
ambition. I prayed God to deliver me from such tempta- 
tion. That was in 1882, when all my work was going with 
a swing. At once the tide turned, and official obstruction 
set in ; but, strange to say, private assistance and encourage- 
ment was multiplied. If any evidence was wanted, that 
precise evidence came to hand. What could be more 
unlikely than that a sailor, unsolicited, should send me an 
old bottle, confirming all my wave-work ; and that Sir 
George Stokes should offer to calculate the wave action which 
would produce the phenomena it displayed ? How remark- 
able, again, that Mr. Tawney's executors should give me his 
microscope ; that Mr. Teall should offer to show me the 
characteristics of tourmaline ; that Mr. Somervail should 
give me the only collected specimen of the Start schist 
containing tourmaline ; that I should cut two slices of that 
rock ; and that it should occur to me, one night, to search 
the duplicate slice for tourmaline the next day; and that 
the slice should contain but a single identifiable fragment, 
the first slice containing not one ! Surely, this is a strange 
experience for a student who had no interest in the Archaean 
controversy, and would never have purchased a petrological 
microscope? The search for truth is indeed no light matter, 
not one to be sullied and degraded by personal ambition. 
I should be inclined to counsel any young student who 
believes in the God of truth, to write no line which he 
cannot lay upon the altar on his bended knees; and if he 
believes in no such God, is it worth while writing at all ? 
The memory of the greatest fades like a flower ; " Let us eat 
and drink, for to-morrow we die." 



"Southwood, Torquay, 10th April, 1887. 

"Gentlemen, — I have been collecting materials for a short 
paper on the rolling and rounding of sea-sand on shoals, and intend 
to publish it in the Trans. Devon Assoc. 4 But as it is intimately 
connected with a paper by the late Mr. Phillips in the Q.J.G.S., I 
would give the Geological Society the refusal of it, provided, if 
accepted, the paper may be illustrated by at least two micro-photo- 
graphs of sands. I understand from Messrs. Waterlow that the 
cost would be about 10s. for each plate. 

"I may observe that I have no intention to criticise Mr. 
Phillips' paper, but only to deal with a cause of the rounding of 
sand-grains which had not, apparently, been brought before him. 

" Yours faithfully, 

" Arthur R. Hunt, f.o.s. 
" The Secretaries, Geological Society of London." 

To my surprise, this very formal communication never got 
farther than the Assistant-Secretary and President, as the fol- 
lowing letter will show :— „ m May ^ 1887# 

"Dear Sir, — I have been away from home for some three 
•weeks, so the subject of my proposed paper has been in abeyance 
"with me. I am much obliged to you, and to the President, for con- 
sidering favourably the acceptance of my paper, but that, of course, 
3nust be judged on its merits when received. I have no wish to 
press the paper on the Society — far from it — but I only desire 
^at, should the illustrations not be granted, the paper may be also 
returned, as I rely greatly on the facsimile reproduction by photo- 
graphy of my sand photographs. I will let you have both paper 
«nd photo, as soon as possible. « Yoxm yery ^^ 

" W. S. Dallas, Esq." " A. R HUNT. 

The position was now a singular one. Instead of submitting 
any paper to the Council of the Geological Society, as anticipated, 
it was clear that a special research, in which I had been assisted 
"by Eayleigh, Stokes, and Sorby, was to be judged by Messrs. 
ZDallas and Judd, men for whom I entertained the deepest respect, 
Irat who had never, so far as I was aware, studied my special 
subject. It was about time to prepare for a reverse. 

4 This paper was never even read to a meeting, but entirely recast for the 
Devon Association. 


"9th May, 1887. 

" Dear Sir, — I enclose my paper on the rounding of sands by 
waves, for the consideration of the President. I am very doubtful 
myself whether it is a paper exactly suited to the Geological 
Society, and if you and the President share my doubts, I would 
suggest your returning it without taking any formal action. It 
will then be published, in all probability, by the Devonshire Asso- 
ciation, as a Devonshire paper. u y our8 £aithfullv> 

" W. S. Dallas, Esq." " A. R. HUNT. 

The receipt of paper was acknowledged, but fearing it had been 
pigeon-holed, I wrote : — 

"Southwood, Torquay, 16th May, 1887. 

"Dear Sir, — Not having heard from you since yours of 11th, 
acknowledging receipt of paper, I just write to say that up to 
Friday next my address will be Fox worthy, Moretonhampetead ; 
after that date I hope to be here again. 

" Yours faithfully, 
" W. S. Dallas, Esq." " A. R Hunt. 

In reply to the above, Mr. Dallas wrote me a very civil letter to 
the effect that the President considered the paper "scarcely suit- 
able " for the Geological Society, and that he ventured to think so 

The whole correspondence was amusing. There was not a 
single Fellow of the Geological Society whose opinion of the paper 
I desired, but the point was how to avoid too open a rebuff Had 
I sent up Sir G. G. Stokes' letter as an appendix, that would, pro- 
bably, have ensured acceptance. But that was reserved as a bonne 
bouche for whatever Society welcomed the subject The doubt 
whether the paper was " exactly suited " for the Geological Society 
was, I regret to say, "wrote sarcastic," with the Kent's Cavern 
experience in mind; my feeling being that, if not "exactly 
suited," it ought to be. 

The question lay in a nutshell. The then President of Section 
C., Brit. Assoc, had proclaimed that rounded sand-grains were 
good evidence of ceolian action. My paper went to prove that this 
far-reaching conclusion was unsound. It would be hard to imagine 
a more important and suitable subject for the Geological Society 
to consider and discuss. 


BY R. N. WORTH, F.O.8. 
(Read at Okehampton, July, 1805.) 

The leading features of the geology of Okehampton and its 
neighbourhood are simple enough. The town itself lies in 
the Gulmiferous trough of central Devon, on the verge of the 
north-western corner of the Dartmoor granite. There is no 
question that all the stratified rocks of the immediate 
locality are Carboniferous, by no means rich in fossils, and 
belonging to the lower portion of that system. They are 
for the most part slates and shales, though a few grit bands 
with quartz veins occur, and many of the beds are so 
massive as to make very excellent local building-stone. Slaty 
cleavage, in fact, is by no means pronounced in the district. 
Ji special feature is the occurrence of Carboniferous lime- 
stone at Meldon. 

Traversing these Carboniferous rocks, contouring and 
sweeping round the granite at no great distance, are some 
"bands of " greenstone " — to use, for the moment, the familiar 
:£eld term — and other rocks of igneous origin; and all 
participate in the general northerly dip from the granite, 
"which characterises the rocks of this region. 

The granite of Dartmoor here rises to its highest point — 
^t Tes Tor and High Willhayes ; and there is a wide zone of 
stratified and associated rocks next the granite, which have 
\>een the subject of contact and dynamic alterations. The 
changes thus induced supply some of the most interesting 
features of the local geology. 

Finally, traversing both granite and Carboniferous rocks, 
and at points the igneous bands included in the latter, we 
have a series of metalliferous lodes and cross-courses — at 
Longstone Hill, Meldon, the Castle, Halstock, Belstone, and 
South Tawton, more particularly. 



Mr. TJ88her, f.g.s., places the stratified rocks of the vicinity 
of Okehampton in the lower division of his grouping of the 
Devonshire Culm-measures, 1 remarking : " On their northern 
outcrop, the beds forming this series occupy a very much 
narrower tract than that to the south. Their northern out- 
crop is about two to three miles in breadth ; their southern 
outcrop varies very considerably, its breadth from Dartmoor 
northward through Okehampton being about five miles, whilst 
on the east of Dartmoor it is about fifteen miles, and about the 
same on the west of Dartmoor through Lydford." 

The general succession given by Mr. Ussher of these 
Lower Culms, is as follows : 

"Dark grey shales, with grit beds, seldom thick, and generally 
even, slaty, and splintery shales, (type, St. David's Hill, Exeter). 
" Even-bedded cherty shales and grits (of Coddon Hill type). 
" Limestones and dark grey shales." 

These limestones, "from their local development, and very 
partial occurrence, both in the northern and southern areas," 
Mr. Ussher regards " as lenticular masses in the shales and 

From these data, the Okehampton Culm-measures are not 
only to be regarded as belonging to the lower group of the 
series, but as falling into place in the lowest division of that 
group — the immediate successors in time, as we have them, 
of the Upper Devonians, which, however, they may or may 
not, at this particular point, overlie. Evidence on that head 
is wholly wanting; and I can only express an analogical 
belief in the affirmative view of the proposition. 

These Culm-measures are, in my view, undoubtedly the 
oldest rocks in the Okehampton district 

An important paper was read on the 5th June last, before 
the Geological Society, by Dr. Hinde, f.g.s., and Mr. 
Howard Fox, f.g.s., which is very suggestive in regard to 
some, at least, of the Carboniferous rocks of this locality. 
They identify what have been generally known as the Coddon 
Hill Beds (though not including in the series all the beds 
referred to it by others) as radiolarian beds, w a series of 
organic siliceous rocks — some of a very hard, cherty 
character, others flaky, and yet others of soft incoherent 
shales." Beds superficially like grits have been found to be 
radiolarian. These Coddon Hill Beds occur along a com- 
paratively narrow belt of country, a short distance within 

1 See the " Culm-measures of Devonshire/' in the Geological Magazine for 
January, 1887. 


the northern and southern boundaries between the Car- 
boniferous and Devonian systems. Starting with the 
northern exposures, they are developed in various localities 
from the neighbourhood of Barnstaple, past Dulverton, to 
Ashbrittle in West Somerset. On the south the beds are 
traceable from Boscastle to the neighbourhood of Tavistock, 
and on the east side of the Dartmoor granite they are found 
near Ghudleigh and Bovey Tracey. They extend also from 
Barnstaple to Fremington. 

Forms belonging to twenty -three genera of radiolaria have 
been recognized, included in the orders Beloidea, Sphaeroidea, 
Prunoidea, Discoidea, and Cyrtoidea; in addition a scanty 
but significant fauna (twenty-five species) of corals, trilo- 
bites, brachiopods, and cephalopods is present in some thin 
shaly beds near Barnstaple. Nearly all the forms are 

These fossils are held to tend to confirm the view that the 
Lower Culm-measures are the deep-water equivalents of the 
Carboniferous limestone in other parts of the British Isles. 
There is good work to be done by any local geologist in 
tracing these radiolarian beds in this area. 

Touching the age of the Dartmoor granite, perhaps I need 
hardly argue that it is more recent than the Carboniferous 
series through which, so far as Okehampton is concerned, it 
rises. It is self-evident that a disturbed rock must be older 
than the disturbing cause ; and, as a matter of fact, this was 
thoroughly well recognised, some fifty years ago, by Sir Henry 
de la Beche, who says— 

"The intrusion of the Dartmoor mass was certainly after the 
deposit of the carbonaceous series of North Devon, be the age of 
that series what it may : it thrusts the southern portion of this 
aeries northwards to Okehampton, cuts off the ends of trappean 
bands and of associated beds of grit and shale near Christow and 
Bridford, and sends veins into it in the valley of the Dart." 2 

The limit on the other side is equally well marked by the 
finding of Dartmoor fragments, identified as such by myself 
as the result of systematic inquiry, in the red-rock breccias 
— once deemed Triassic, now generally accepted as Permian — 
on the coast from Teignmouth eastwards. The bricks must 
be older than the house. 

The age of the " greenstones " traversing the Carboniferous 
rocks can be approximated in much the same way. They 
are later than these rocks, because they are intrusive in 

1 Rep. Corn, Dev, and W, Som. 165. 

x 2 


thein ; but they are older than the granite, because it meta- 
morphoses them. This cannot indeed be seen, as a matter of 
direct contact, in the vicinity of Okehampton ; but the two 
form junctions near Tavistock, and there the evidence is 
clear. Nor is there any reason to doubt that the intrusive 
greenstones of the one area belong to the same series as 
those of the other. The great distinction recognised between 
the two localities, in the matter of igneous activity, is that 
in and about Tavistock and Brent Tor, we get interbedded, 
and therefore contemporaneous, lavas, ashes, and tuffs, as well 
as the intrusive dykes, in large variety. Lieut.-Gen. M'Mahon 
has shown, however, that this distinction is not so complete 
as it once seemed to be. But of that more anon. 

Another noteworthy feature of difference, as connected 
with the granite of the Okehampton area, is the almost 
entire absence of the dykes of felsitic rock known as elvans. 
These are a later phase of the granitic outburst, for they 
frequently traverse not merely the bordering rocks, but the 
granite itself. They are quite common on the northern side 
of the Moor, among the Devonian rocks, and their signifi- 
cant scarcity among the Carboniferous on the northern, 
points to the more urgent character of the deeper-seated 
activities on the south, to which I elsewhere allude. On the 
other hand, the granulite of Meldon is a phase of eruptive 
granitic material unknown in mass elsewhere in Devon. 

The last series of great earth-changes affecting the district 
was the formation of the mineral lodes — the result, not of 
one operation, but of a series. What De la Beche had to say 
thereon can hardly be bettered. 3 

"The lodes upon Dartmoor approximate considerably to east 
and west courses, and round its borders on the north, east, and 
south, where mines have been worked, the same directions in the 
lodes would generally appear. The chief exceptions seem some tin 
lodes on both sides of Longstone Hill, near Okehampton, which 
would appear to take courses about W. 30° S., and £. 30° N. 
Such short parts of these lodes were, however, worked when we 
visited them, that these exceptions may merely have been some of 
the minor irregularities common to all lodes. [Thi*, however, is not 
so.] Some eastern and western lodes between Bel stone and Oke- 
hampton [Halstock] are cut by a N. and S. cross-course ; and a 
cross-course, in which lead and silver ores have been found, tra- 
verses the Okement, near the Castle." 

To this it need only be added that the Belstone Consols 
and South Tawton lodes run east and west. 

8 Sep. Corn, Dcv. and W. Som. 302. 


The minerals enumerated by Mr. Townshend M. Hall, 
F.G.s., in his Mineralogist's Directory, as occurring at and 
near Okehampton, independently of the mines, are : — 
Amethyst, andalusite, axinite, chiastolite, hornblende, jasper, 
opal, rock crystal, and tourmaline. The granite, 1 need 
hardly explain, is essentially a mixture of quartz, felspars, 
and micas — the second chiefly orthoclase, and the third 
chiefly muscovite, but with biotite largely represented. 
Calcite occurs with the limestone and elsewhere. The mines 
add considerably to this total — Argentite, cassiterite, chalco- 
pyrite, chalcocite, bismuthinite, galena, garnets, hematite, 
limonite, marcasite, malachite, mispickel, pyrrhotite, semi- 
opal, pyrites. The garnets include both colophonite and 
grossularia; and the granulite yields fine crystals of pink 
(rubellite) and green tourmaline. The microscope also shows 
the existence as constituents of various rocks among other 
minerals of apatite, apophyllite, indicolite, ilmenite, magnetite, 
olivine, sphene, and topaz (in the granulite), while beryl is 
also said to occur. 

Among the mines of the locality — none now working — 
are Belstone Consols, Copper Hill, East Wheal Maria, 
Forest Hill, Fursdon, Holstock, Ivey Tor, Meldon, Okehamp- 
ton, Sticklepath, South-Zeal. 

Before passing on to a brief review of the leading features 
of the petrology of the district, it may be well to call atten- 
tion to the importance of a careful examination of the surface 
deposits of our moorland valleys, especially at points where, 
as near the fork of the ravine above Meldon viaduct, we 
find large accumulations of more or less water-worn stones, 
which occasionally, as here, suggest the former existence of 
moraines. Whether ice had any share in the formation of 
such deposits or not, it will be found that some, at least, of 
their contents consist of rocks which cannot now be traced 
in situ, and which, therefore, must represent portions of the 
long-denuded superincumbent mass, the removal of which 
has produced our present Dartmoor. A careful study of 
these deposits would be of the highest value in supplying 
material for a more than hypothetical reconstruction. 

The Carboniferous rocks of the district have been touched 
upon in sufficient detail already, and it is hardly necessary 
— with the abundance of interesting material elsewhere — 
to add more concerning them, than to say that they exhibit 
every mark of great and repeated disturbance. Some very 
interesting folds and contortions of the slate beds may be 


readily seen, as in the quarry near the Castle, and on the 
right of the road to Brightley. 

These slates, as we have already noted, are traversed by 
bands of igneous rocks, which bear a very definite relation 
in their course to the contour of the granite massif. These 
rocks are divisible into two great series — one volcanic, 
formed contemporaneously with the slates and grits ; and 
the other, intrusive, which has broken through them at a 
later date — the familiarly styled "greenstones." It is these 
intrusive rocks that yield the curiously fretted honeycombed 
and seamed masses which it is the wise local custom of the 
Okehampton folk to employ for the rustic coping of their 
garden-walls. They vary considerably in texture, but are 
mostly dark-grey in colour. Some are very fine and even- 
grained, the only mineral distinguishable by the naked eye 
being abundant minute specks of pyrites. Others again are 
coarse; while some show what is called "lustre mottling " 
very characteristically, and indicate clearly the presence in 
quantity of pyroxenic constituents. They belong unmis- 
takably to the same group as the so-called "gabbros" of White 
Tor, Cocks Tor, Smear Down, and other localities near 
Tavistock, generally classed in the present day as epidiorites. 4 

Lieut-General M'Mahon, f.g.s., in a paper on "Various 
Rocks of Igneous Origiu on the Western Flank of Dart- 
moor," published in the Journal of the Geological Society 
for August, 1894, deals largely with the " greenstones " shown 
on the Geological Survey map as outcropping on Sourton 
Tors, South Down, and at Meldon. He notes the presence 
of felsite and trachyte at Sourton Tors; and there and at 
Meldon "the occurrence of some interesting tuffs, the 
matrix of which has been converted by contact - meta- 
morphism into what closely resembles the base of a rhyolite, 
and which, in extreme cases, exhibits fluxion structure, or a 
structure indistinguishable from it" He adds, that so com- 
plete was the resemblance of the matrix to the base of an 
igneous rock that he was " for long doubtful whether the 
rock was not a lava full of volcanic ejectamenta" The 
"extreme abundance of the fragments — pieces of six or 
seven kinds of lava being sometimes visible in a single 
slice," — with the extended area over which the deposits were 
found, convinced him, however, that they were really meta- 
morphosed tuffs. 

4 Vide "The Igneous and altered rocks of S. W. Devon " ; and " Geological 
Notes on the South Western line between Lydford and Devonport. " Trans. 
Dev. Assoc, xix., xxi. 


As to the epidiorites and their relations to the volcanic 
rocks, General M'Mahon notes that the former are only 
altered dolerites. He does not think that they need be 
regarded as of very deep-seated origin ; nor did he find any 
actual evidence in the area embraced in this paper that 
the epidiorites are intrusive. My own impression is most 
decidedly that they are ; but, as he points out, this need not 
necessarily divorce them from the volcanic eruptions of 
the period; and he remarks generally — "the epidiorites of 
the west of Dartmoor may have been comparatively deep- 
seated offshoots of the volcanic forces that seem to have 
opened up numerous volcanoes in this region during the 
Carboniferous age." 

This, of course, is in absolute practical accord with the 
suggestion made by me several years previously, that these 
more basic rocks are the result of the earlier stages of the 
igneous activities that initiated Dartmoor. 

The volcanic tuffs and associated rocks of Meldon, which 
General M'Mahon was the first to investigate and describe, 
may be found under and near the viaduct, and on the 
flank of Blackdown, both points being marked on' the 
Survey map as "greenstone." Specimens from the out- 
crop near the viaduct simulate the appearance generally 
of lavas, but are really composed " of fragments of trachytic, 
felsitic, and other lavas of somewhat more basic character, 
cemented together in what now looks like the base of a 
felsite" — this base, moreover, containing large quantities 
of apophyllite. In some cases alteration has proceeded very 
far to the simulation of rhyolitic characters, the profuse for- 
mation of mica in the matrix, and a general appearance 
of fluxion structure. These are, as General M'Mahon says, 
very beautiful examples of the effects of powerful contact- 
metamorphisra. The structure of these pyroclastic rocks 
varies considerably, and " near the railway viaduct some 
of the agglomerate beds contain quite large blocks of slaty 
and felspathic rocks." 

The Blackdown tuffs, as described, are chiefly made up 
of fragments of trachyte and altered sedimentary rocks in a 
very fine-grained micro-crystalline-granular matrix, origi- 
nally a fine dust, all the slices containing a profusion of 

It may seem rather venturesome on my part to question 
the conclusions of General M'Mahon ; but I am bound 
to say that while I accept the rock at Meldon viaduct as 


a tuff, and do not doubt that there are tufaceous outcrops 
elsewhere in the locality, I think there is equally good 
evidence of the occurrence of a lava full of volcanic ejecta- 
menta, and that if in this particular he and I are dealing 
with the same exposure, I am clearly of opinion that his 
original idea was the correct one. 

I have nothing to add to his description of the viaduct 
tuff, since it agrees exactly with my own observation ; still 
it may be worthy of note that on comparing my section 
with those of several other Devonian tuffs in my collection, 
I find that it most closely resembles — though at a consider- 
able distance — the highly-altered tuffs and volcanic -grit 
which I obtained several years since from the detritus at 
Cattedown ; 5 and which I have been compelled to connect 
with some stage of the long-vanished volcanic superstructure 
of the moorland. Hence these tuffs, which lie higher up in 
the flanking series of the Dartmoor borders than any others, 
certainly seem to lend their countenance to the hypothesis. 

But I am unable to regard some of these interbedded 
igneous rocks as other than lavas, charged with volcanic 
fragments. Macroscopically, some specimens are not only 
quite rhyolitic in general aspect, but have in parts almost 
the texture of pitchstone ; and although I am only too well 
aware of the danger of trusting to the naked eye in 
these matters, still the broader view and the field behaviour 
do count for something in the interpretation of cases of 
doubt. That the tuff and the lava are of the same period is 
clear ; but under the microscope their characters seem to me 
distinctive enough ; and all that appears needful to account 
for these allied phenomena is that at intervals during the 
formation of the tuffs there were occasional surface-lava flows, 
which took up such tufaceous material as they found in their 
way. And since the volcanic agencies of which these rocks 
are a vestige were active during the earlier part of the Car- 
boniferous era, they may very well have been practically 
in continuity with those with which we are familiar in 
the Devonians. 

One of the slides that I have examined consists in the main 
of a doleritic lava, plentifully bestrewn with lath-crystals 
of plagioclase, and enclosing derived crystals of felspar and 
quartz, some broken, a number of fragments of doleritic rock 
of various types, some marked by hornblende, and a few 
granules of olivine. So well rounded are certain of the 
smaller inclusions that they at first suggest an amygdaloidal 

3 Trans. Devonshire Association, xxi. 77. 


character, but others of the same kind are as distinctly 
irregular and broken, and on farther examination it seems 
clear that these regular outlines are due to attrition of some 
kind or other. There is a strong resemblance in many of 
these fragments to the proterobases, epidiorites, and amphi- 
bolites of White Tor, Wapsworthy, and Cocks Tor — an 
important point as bearing upon the age of these in- 
teresting rocks. The containing rock has been subjected to 
great pressure, and there is a very noteworthy development 
of secondary mica traversing alike matrix and inclusions. 

Of course it is quite possible, when an agglomeratic rock 
consists at times of such large fragments as at Meldon, that 
It slide may be cut from an inclusion, rather than from 
the mass, so that we could not depend upon microscopic 
evidence alone. If so, however, we merely shift the origin 
one term back, and make this old lava-flow with its in- 
clusions one of the parents of these Meldon agglomerates 
(hence doubly clastic in their origin) — the father instead of 
the child. The point is one of no little interest in working 
out the local geological record. 

General M'Mahon also notes the occurrence of a mica 
diorite on South Down — a " compact igneous rock of purple- 
grey colour, which has the appearance in the field of being 
a contemporaneous lava. Under the microscope it is seen 
to consist of a ground-mass formed of a meshwork of small • 
plagioclase prisms, with a red mica next in abundance. 
Hornblende is not prominent, but sphene and apatite are 
abundant, and there is a fair amount of magnetite or 
ilmenite." I agree with General M'Mahon that this rock 
is probably contemporaneous. It is well marked and dis- 
tinctive in character. 

The noted Meldon granulite first finds record in the pages 
of De la Beche, as " white granite." It is essentially a mix- 
ture of quartz and felspar, in mass ; but fifty years since 
distinctions were comparatively few. 6 He says : — 

"For appearance few granites can exceed the white variety 
found up the valley of the West Okement, near Okehampton. It 
occurs as an isolated patch [patches] amid altered carbonaceous 
locks, greenstones, and limestones, on the skirts of Dartmoor. It 
is a beautiful material, and may be obtained in large quantities, but 
we believe it has not hitherto been employed, except by the 
Hon. Newton Fellowes, for a chimney-piece, at his seat at 
Eggeeford, near Chulmleigh, in North Devon. At a short dis- 
tance this granite has the appearance of statuary marble." 

6 Bcp. Corn, Dev. and IV, Som. 501. 


The Meld6n granulite is likewise referred to at some length 
by General M'Mahon, and as an unquestionable instance 
of intrusive character : " It not only cuts obliquely through 
the bedding of the slates . . . but near its margin it sends 
numerous veins into the slates, and infolds large slabs of 
them in its arms. The slates in contact with the dyke are 
highly altered." That is, they are baked, and the intruding 
rock generally behaves itself just like an ordinary elvan 
dyke, only that the contact changes are greater. 

Mr. J. H. Teall, F.R.S., who describes this rock in his 
British Petrography, was the first to observe that it contains 
a considerable quantity of topaz, in addition to quartz, 
felspar (largely plagioclase), and white mica. Topaz fe 
commonly developed in our griesens. He noted also the 
beautiful green tourmaline, but does not seem to have 
observed the pink variety of that mineral, or rubellite. 

Gen. M'Mahon notes further, as a striking feature in 
the Meldon granulite, "that the leaves of mica and the 
prisms of felspar are sometimes bent, and in some cases 
broken; and that the ground mass consists of a mosaic of 
quartz and felspar," which is sometimes regarded as a proof 
of dynamo-metamorphism. He believes, however, these 
features to be " sufficiently accounted for, by supposing that 
they were produced either when the granite was forced 
through the jaws of a fissure in the slates, or by strains 
when the dyke was solidifying." 

That seems to me to meet all the necessities of the case, 
for the chief effects of alteration here are of a contact 
character. One of the most interesting examples is that 
of a slate baked into a grey semi-porcellanous mass, in 
which spots of more highly vitrified material present them- 
selves — no doubt the precursors, had the process been carried 
farther, of definite crystallization. 

And this leads me to consider the metamorphism of the 
district generally. 

In some passing notes on the results of contact- 
metamorphism on the west side of Dartmoor, read at Barn- 
staple in 1890, I said I should be inclined to generalise 
by the statement that the principal change produced in the 
schistose rocks of the Okement and Lyd valleys was one 
of texture, by way of induration and banding. In fact, 
banding is one of the most common characteristics of the 
altered slates of this region. Next the granite, the Carbon- 
iferous shale is frequently converted into a massive black 


rock with semi-conchoidal fracture — really a form of hornfels 
— while within a few feet we may have the lamination fairly 
preserved in the form of coloured bands. 

One of the best spots to study these changes is at 
Meldon, in connection, not only with the granulite, but th6 
granite. The immediate contact rock is of this massive 
hornfels type, graduating into a dark- and light-grey banded 
compact rock of cherty aspect — in short, a schistose hornfels. 

At Meldon, too, may be studied the effects of contact- 
metamorphism on the grit bands interstratified with the 
slates. These, which in the upper valley of the Lyd at 
times, become essentially quartzites, may here be found 
compacted to the frequent obliteration of all traces of 
original bedding. There is also a tendency to the aggregation 
of their micaceous constituents, resulting in the most 
extreme type of change in the production of banded 
tourmaline quartzites, closely akin to the Continental 
tourmaline hornfels. The microscopic examination of one 
such Okehampton example shows that the rock now consists 
essentially of granular crystalline aggregates of quartz and 
tourmaline. Here there has been a double change — first the 
aggregation of the mica, and then the transformation of the 
mica into the tourmaline — the original rock haying been 
evidently a coarse-grained micaceous grit. The tourmaline 
is mainly more or less crystalline, in bands, commonly 
brown in colour in thin section, less frequently the else- 
where more characteristic blue. 

The changes, however, in the slates of the altered zone at 
Okehampton are, with one notable exception, rather in the 
direction of induration, than the development of new 
minerals. We find nothing approaching the production of 
mica schist, still less of pseudo-gneiss, of plentiful andalusite 
and chiastolite, (with the exception for the latter of one 
locality) as in the well-marked region from Meavy round 
to Cornwood and Ivybridge. At first, the slate is merely 
made more compact and occasionally gritty, without mate- 
rial gain in hardness; then it is porcellanized. Finally, it 
becomes the massive cherty or flinty rock already described, 
with well-marked conchoidal fracture, and oftentimes a not- 
able development of pyrites in the mass, and specially on the 
joint faces, occasionally accompanied by chalcopyrite. The 
most curious form of metamorphism that I have noticed in this 
connection, is in a massive, somewhat rough-textured, black 
rock, evenly dotted with small, dull-shining patches, which 
looked much like augite. Slicing, however, proved that I was 


dealing with a gritty slate highly charged with carbon, in 
which the schistose texture had been obliterated by pressure, 
save on the margin next the joint face ; and that the polished 
mottling had been produced by shearing action, in which 
the varying hardness of the rock had caused its particles to 
undergo unequal pressure as they slid over each other. 
Quartz grains, more or less crushed and broken, were thinly 
scattered throughout. 

The most notable feature of the contact-metamorphism of 
the district is the very remarkable development of garnets. 
Now garnets occur elsewhere in the contact zone of Dart- 
moor as a product of metamorphism ; but this particlar 
phase is nowhere so strongly marked as at Belstone Consols 
and Meldon. The lode at Belstone Consols is, indeed, 
essentially a course of garnet rock — the common brown 
garnet, which occurs both massive and crystallized. In like 
manner, the spoil-heaps of the abandoned mine at Meldon 
yield the green garnet or grossularia, which, so far as I am 
aware, is found nowhere else in the West of England. 
There seems a greater local proneness towards the produc- 
tion of garnet as a result of contact-metamorphism, in 
Carboniferous than in Devonian rocks; while it has been 
found elsewhere that the production of garnets by metamor- 
phism is very commonly associated with limestones. Hence 
the significance, in this connection, of the Carboniferous 
limestone at Meldon. 

Both these points — at Belstone Consols and at Meldon — 
are within half-a-mile of the granite; and the former was 
long since selected by the late Sir Warington Smyth, F.R.S., 
as one of the most typical examples of contact-metamorphism 
on this side of the Moor. I found a kind of garnet schist, 
some years since, at Peek Hill, on the Meavy. More recently I 
have noted veins of granular garnet in a much altered-Carbon- 
iferous slate, now massive and of a flinty texture, on the 
flank of Ugborough Beacon ; and garnet (including the form 
known as melanite) occurs also in connection with "green- 
stone " at South Brent. Nowhere in Devon, however, do we 
find this mineral so abundant as in the Okehampton area. 

The garnet rock at Belstone is generally more or less 
crystalline, and contains numerous well-formed crystals, so 
far as the exterior faces are concerned. It also occurs in 
a massive form with smooth conchoidal fracture ; and again 
at times puts on an appearance resembling a rough-textured 
chert, which is frequently associated with friable aggregates 


of imperfectly-cohering small irregular crystals. It is chiefly 
of the common type, and of a brownish hue, but passes into 
grey-green in places, and thence casually into grossularia. 
There are a few reddish patches, which indicate a tendency 
to vary towards the red or almandine variety, but it is 
nothing more than a tendency. I have also found a few 
translucent crystals of a fairly pronounced oil-yellow, which 
may be regarded as colophonite. All that have been noted, 
therefore, belong to the iron- or lime-alumina, or lime-iron- 
alumina groups. 

From the occurrence of a yellowish-brown rough-textured 
rock in which garnets are imperfectly and casually developed, 
and which also shows the well-preserved forms of what were 
originally crystals of hornblende, there seems good reason 
to believe that this Belstone garnet rock is the product of 
contact-alteration on an igneous band of trachytic character, 
which from other indications was well charged with iron. 

The altered sedimentary rocks associated with it are either 
baked and semi-porcellanized, or else compacted, retaining 
traces of an original schistose structure — clearly they have 
not come within the operation of the metamorphic force 
so fully as the parent of the garnet vein. Copper ore 
occurs with the garnet rock — chiefly the yellow chalcopyrite, 
but occasionally the grey chalcocite — pseudomorphous after 
the garnet crystals. It seems most probable, therefore, that 
the metamorphosis of the garnet rock and its mineralization 
were fairly contemporaneous, and that the action on the ad- 
jacent sedimentaries was rather of a secondary character. 

The fact that the contact-metamorphism of the Okehamp- 
ton district, while differing in character, is not so pronounced 
as on the southern borders of the Moor — nor, indeed, as in 
the valley of the Lyd — implies, of course, that the contact 
forces — mainly heat and pressure — must have acted with 
greater vigour in one area than in the other. There are 
points near Shaugh and Meavy where the slates in im- 
mediate contact with the granite have been fused into 
felstone, to the almost entire extinction of their original 

Such a contrast, however, is precisely what we might have 
expected, & priori. The Devonian rocks underlying the 
Carboniferous, the erupting granite in contact with them 
would be nearer the original source of heat, while the 
dynamic action would be much greater in consequence of 
the higher resistile force at such an increased depth. At 


Okehampton the molten mass would be much nearer the 
surface, the rocks underlying the Culm series having been 
already traversed by it. Hence the lessened influence, both 
of heat and pressure. 

All this has a very important bearing upon the hypothesis 
which I put forward in 1888, and since then have seen 
no reason to modify or abandon, only to hold the more 
firmly: tbe hypothesis that our modern Dartmoor is but 
the basal wreck — the mere stump — of a volcano which once 
towered some 18,000 feet into the air ; and which has been 
gradually wasted and denuded by the forces of Nature, 
until the scattered vestiges of its higher regions are to be 
found only in the breccias of the red-rock conglomerates 
of the east and south-east of the county ; or perchance here 
and there in some ancient detritus, as at Cattedown ; or even 
casually in the valleys of the Moor itself. 


Part I. 

(Read at Okehampton, July, 1895.) 

The student of the social history of this country has long 
been familiar with the circumstance that, from a compara- 
tively early period, and on the authority of a document 
termed, during the last three centuries, a Brief, authority has 
been frequently granted to individuals as well as to com* 
munities, to solicit the aid of the charitable throughout 
the land, on account of calamities of various kinds, such as 
losses by fires, storms, wrecks, plagues, pirates, &c; to 
aid in the ransom of prisoners and captives, especially those 
taken by the rovers of the African coast; and to assist 
in carrying out objects of great public utility, such as 
the construction and repair of harbours, and (especially 
in later times) the erection and repair of churches. 

It is only within a recent period that the subject has 
received any special attention, although lists of collections 
made in this manner, and occasional comments and 
notices, are to be found in literary and antiquarian periodi- 
cals. The earliest, and still the most complete and impor- 
tant work upon it, is that of the late Cornelius Walford, 
entitled, " Kings' Briefs : their purpose and history," first 
read at a meeting of the Royal Historical Society, and 
published subsequently in their Transactions in 1882. 1 In it 
he embodied an important article on "Some Early Briefs/' by 
S. R Bird, printed in the Antiquary of 1881. 2 

1 x. 1-74. With the addition of a short preface, it was re-issued in a 
separate form daring the same year. A short article, under the heading 
of " Brief," appeared in the Insurance Cyclopaedia of the same author. 

a iii. 167-9, 218-20. 


In the present paper, no pretensions are claimed to give 
a complete history of the subject. It may rather be con- 
sidered as a supplement to that of Mr. Walford, some of the 
gaps in which are filled up. At the same time, it is purposed 
to give a list of all recorded briefs relating to Devonshire 
persons or objects, together with any desirable particulars, 
especially in the instances of the few examples at present 
known, of those that are dated prior to the Restoration. Also 
a general account of collections made within the county for 
out-county purposes ; references to any miscellaneous .briefs 
desirable to be noticed; and, as a good example of the 
numerous applications made to, and contributions by a 
Devonshire rural parish, a list of the brief collections from 
the period of the Restoration to their cessation in 1828, 
contained in the Churchwardens' Account Books of East 
Budleigh, will be given. 

The term " Brief,'' in the sense of its employment in this 
paper, is thus defined in the New Oxford Dictionary : — 

"A letter patent, issued by the Sovereign as Head of the 
Church, licensing a collection in the churches throughout England 
for a specified object of charity ; called a Church Brief, or King's 

The term "letter patent" appears to be more strictly 
applicable to the original Warrant, or Authority ; and that 
of " Brief " to the copies of this Warrant that were circu- 
lated throughout the country, and on which the col- 
lection was made. The following corroborate this state- 
ment : — 

1589 — "The ymprintinge of the Brief es of all letters Patentes, 
&c." * 

1625, Aug. 11 — "To be printed so many Briefs of these our 
Letters Patent, as may suffice, &c." 4 

1628 — "And you the said parsons . . . deliberatly publish 
and declare the tenour of these our letters patents, or the coppy or 
briefe thereof." 5 

Before proceeding further, and in reply to any question that 
may be raised as to the utility of describing, or giving any 
details of them, it may be remarked that the ordinary notices 
of Briefs in parish books record many occurrences in the life- 
history of a parish, of which no other report exists, and 
even all memory of them may have passed away, the 

3 Beg. Stationers 1 Co. ed. Arbkr, iiu 463. 

4 Procl. Charles I. Cal. S. P. Dom. 1625-6 ; v. 83. 

6 Maldon Church Brief, in Wright's History of Essex, it 648. 


amounts required to repair losses by fire, &c, for repairs 
of churches, &c, being frequently stated. Moreover, where 
a copy of the Brief itself has been preserved, many im- 
portant details are noted at length. It is by the gradual 
accumulation of these small facts, hitherto neglected, that 
many gaps in the histories of parishes, especially of rural ones, 
are filled up. The two following examples show the infor- 
mation derived from the customary short notices of collec- 
tions in parochial books. 

1. There are no local accounts, or even tradition, of a fire 
that took place in the parish of East Budleigh late in the 
17th century ; and yet, judging from the many collections 
made throughout England, a very extensive one occurred in 
it about the year 1681. Of these collections the following is 
an example : — 

Stanton St. John, Oxfordshire. (Par. Keg.) 

" 1681. Nov. 27. Collected by a Brief for 
a Fire at East Budley, in y e 
County of Devon . . . 4 2." • 

2. A great fire took place at Ottery St. Mary, in 1715, not 
mentioned in any County or local history, 7 but it finds record 
in notices of collections on Briefs made on behalf of the 
sufferers; e.g. 

Drayton Beauchamp> Bucks. 

"1716. Jan. 6. Ottery St. Mary, in com. 
Devon, losse by fire £4466 and 
upwards. Collected . .01 6. ,,s 

Walford gives the following list of names by which they 
have been known : — " Kings' Briefs . . . Kings' Letters, 
Orders in Council, Patents of Alms, Letters Patent, Fire 
Briefs, Church Briefs, Charity Briefs, Commissions, Boyal 
Letters, &c, &c." (1, 2.) At the present time it is 
customary to call them "Church Briefs," but the term is 
not strictly correct. In by far the greater number of 
instances, it is true, they were placed in the hands of the 
Ecclesiastical Authorities, and the document was read in the 
Church; but exceptional cases occurred as far back as the 
16th century ; and at a late date, long before Briefs were 

6 Reliquary, x. 11. Except where otherwise stated, the quotations from 
Parochial Records are always taken from Churchwardens' Accounts. 

7 The Rev. Dr. Cornish, in his History of the Church, <fcc., of Ottery St. 
Mary (30), describes three great fires in that town in 1604, 1766, and 1866, 
but omits mention of that of 1715. 

8 Reliquary, xvii. 23. 



abolished by Statute, collections upon them were made in 
Nonconformist Chapels. 9 

The employment of the word "Brief," in our restricted 
sense, is traceable to about the middle of the 16th century. 
The earliest example given in the New Oxford Dictionary is 
dated 1588, but the Registers of the Stationers 9 Company 
mention one of 1578. 1 Another term — "Protection" — 
preceded it in the same century, and continued to the 
middle of the next one. In 1511, the Prior of the 
Monastery of Kirkby Beler, in Leicestershire, was granted 
"Protection and licence to declare indulgences and collect 
alms and donations for the monastery, being in great decay." 2 
Without multiplying examples, it may be sufficient to notice 
the latest known. The Yeovil Brief of 1640 is thus headed : 
— "The Protecion for losses by fire graunted unto the 
Inhabitants of Yeovill, in the County of Somersett" 8 

Although we have evidence that, from about the 13th 
century, collections for various charitable purposes were 
occasionally authorised to be made by Boyal authority, yet 
we know but little about them ; probably, they were com- 
paratively infrequent up to the time of Elizabeth, but from 
that period, and excepting during the time of the Civil War 
and of the Commonwealth, their numbers rapidly increased, 
and many Briefs were issued annually until their abolition 
by Statute in 1828. 

Our knowledge of such collections is derived from several 
sources, but owing to the circumstance, that until the 18th 
century it was not obligatory to keep any register, or 
preserve any account of them, our information of Briefs 
issued during the 16th and 17th centuries (especially of 
those of the period of James I. and Charles I.) is very 
meagre and imperfect. State papers, local histories, munici- 
pal records, copies of Briefs that have been preserved, have 

9 As a word of caution, it must be noted that, even in parochial records, 
the term " Brief" was sometimes employed in an entirely different sense, 

e -9- : ration. 

" 1559. Payde for drawyng the Koppye of the bryfes of the 

stattutes . .... xij d ." 

(Som. Hcc. Soc. iv. (1890), 171.) 

St. Dunstan's, Canterbury. 

"1569. Item payed for a breafe consearnynge the nombers 

of the comunycantes and abelle men . . ij d ." 

{Hist, of, J. M. Cowper, 85.) 

1 Ed. Arbkr, iii. 334. 

2 Cal. S. P. Letters, &c, of Hen. VIII. i. 1504-1514, p. 285. 

3 Som. and Dors. N. and Q. i. 70. 


yielded a certain number of examples, but the principal 
number have been obtained from parochial records. In these 
latter, and especially from the period of the Restoration, 
entries of the amounts so collected, and for what purposes, 
are to be found recorded in the Parish Registers by the clergy- 
men, or in the Parish Account Books by the churchwardens. 
In some places such entries (not repetitions) are found in both 
the Registers and the Churchwardens' Accounts, as at Appleby 
Magna, 4 and at Goostrey. 5 After the Act of 4 and 5 Anne, 
c. 24, s. 7, requiring " a Register ... of all monies collected 
by virtue of such Briefs " to be kept, a separate Brief Book 
was instituted in some places, 6 but, as a rule, the majority of 
parishes continued the practice of recording the amounts 
gathered in the Registers or in the Churchwardens' Books. 

These sums so registered were, in the case of the Parish 
Registers, invariably those obtained by voluntary contribu- 
tions, and generally, also, those in the Wardens' Books. 
Some of the items in the latter show that the amount was 
defrayed out of the Ordinary Church Rate Account, but the 
particulars are then rarely given, e.g. : 

"1635. for a briffe for fier 7 6d." 

"1638. to a briefe by a general consent 8 6." 


"1706. Laid out to fower Breefs . . .036 

Laid out to one Breefe . . .02 6." 9 

In some parishes the Brief money was invariably paid out 
of the Church Accounts. This was the practice at Bicton, 
from 1763 to 1828, and the payments were customarily at 
the rate of 3d. per Brief, increased, during the last few years, 
to 6d. 1 Also at Otterton, on the only three occasions when 

4 Reliquary, xii. 140 ; ziii. 112. 

* Eabwaker'h History of Sandbach, 246-7. 

8 Brief Books were used at Canons Ashby, commencing in 1707 (Inf. of 
Sir H. Diyden, Bart.) ; St. John's Church, Margate (Oumerod's Cheshire, 
ii. 18S2, 54, 145) ; and Marat on, Yorkshire [Antiquary, viii. 249). 

7 Arehccologia, xxxv. 444. 

8 Annals, 106. 

9 The extracts relating to East Budleigh, Littleham, Woodbury, and other 
parishes in their vicinity, are transcripts from the MS. Parochial Books. 

1 At Ash more, Dorset, " no collections were made in the parish, but a sum 
of one shilling was given out of the Church rate. The object of the Briefs 
is never entered." (Hist, of, by Rev. E. W. Watson, 1890, 91.) 

Y 2 


any payments on account of them are recorded, all three 
belonging to the present century, of which this is the first:— 

"1811-2. Paid for Breefs . . . .0 2 0." 

Sometimes the sole evidence of a Brief rests on some item of 
expense incurred in obtaining or distributing the donations. 

Pittington> Durham. 

" 1596. Item given our expenses the xvij. day 

. of Fabruarie, when we wer in with 

the letter concernynge the men 

which lay in bondage under the 

Turke 2 iiyd." 

Houghton-le-Spring, Durham. 

" 1604. when I caryed in the collection for 

Geneva iiyd. 

" 1680-1. For riding about the parish with a 

breif 2s. 

for carrying the briefe money to 
Durham 3 Is." 


" 1679. Our charges in going to Prestbury and * 
Alderley to send away y e Collection 
money towards Chester for Redemp- 
tion of the English prisoners in 
Turkey and lost* by exchanging bad 
groats in that money 4 . . .Is. 4d." 


" 1770. To Postage of a Letter directed to the 
Churchwardens for the fire in Honi- 

While great national calamities would, as a matter of 
course, be reported to the King and Privy Council, minor 
evils calling for charitable assistance, would be represented to 
them through various channels. In Cal. S. P. Dom. 1547-80, 
we find this entry : — 

" 1567. July 13, Bp. Grindall to Cecill. Begs him to further 
the suit of the bearer for a licence to make a collection for certain 
Englishmen, captives in Algiers." 

Sometimes a Brief was obtained through the petition of 
the Municipal Authorities, as at Lyme Regis in 1548. In 
several of 1591, 5 the certificate of two Justices of the Peace 

2 Surfers Soc. (1888)41. 
' Ibid. 282, 340. 

4 J. P. Earwaker, East Cheshire, i. 116. 

5 Cal. S. P. Dom. 1591-4, p. 128, etc 


was apparently sufficient. A brief, on account of the fire at 
Tiverton, in 1612, was granted on a representation made 
by the inhabitants, together with a certificate of several 
Justices of the Peace. From the time of Charles I., a 
certificate from Quarter Sessions appears to have been 
necessary. When the Church of All Saints, Derby, needed 
extensive repairs, the Vestry, on Dec. 26, 1713, 

"Ordered that y e psent Churchwardens of y e Parish of All 
S u do proceed to obtain a certificate for a Briefe The next 
Generall Quarter Sessions of y e peace for y e County of Derby 
for y a rebuilding of y e Church of All S u " 

The Brief was obtained, and realised about £ 500. 6 
They were at first issued under the direct authority 
and control of the King, " but later under the authority 
of the Council, through the Lord Chancellor" (Walford, 
2), or by the latter alone. 7 

Difficulties must have occasionally arisen, in the person or 
persons who were to be benefited by the collections to be 
made on a Brief, being able to defray the customary charges 
of the letter patent. The following copy of a Bishop's letter 
to the Clergy of the London diocese is very curious, inasmuch 
as it was the authority for collections to be made in churches, 
in 1586, for funds wherewith to defray these charges : 

" Ihon [Aylmer] by the Prouidence of God Bishop of London. 
To all Parsons, Vicars, Curates and Churchwardens within the 
Cittie of LondoD, and the Counties of Middlesex and Essex, 

" Whereas this bearer Thomas Butler of the towne of Colchester, 
within the Countie of Essex aforesaid, Gunpowder maker, being at 
worke for the making of Gunpowder in the Countie of Kent, about 
fine yeeres now past, by sudden misfortune was pittifully burnt 
and spoyled of his Eyes and Armes apparant yet to behold, then 
losing all that he had, and since brought greatly indebted, and 
where also the Byaliffes [sic] of the said towne of Colchester 
tenderly respecting his wofull and diseased estate, directed their 
certificate to the right honorable the Lord Chauncelor of England, 
thereby beseeching his Lordship to graunt vnto him her Maiesties 
lycense vnder the greate Seale of England, to aske the charitie of 

• Hist, of All Saints' Church, 61. 

7 "An Order to the Lord-Keeper of the Great Seal to grant Licences for 
Collection* to be made through the Realm, for certain Petitioners his Subjects, 
who had suffered much by Fire, Shipwreck, etc., and for Christians of other 
Nations forced to fly hither on account of their Religion. 'Tis dated the 5th 
of February, 1626 1l (Ada Xegia, 1732, 691.) In 1771 a Royal Warrant 
delegated " full power and authority " to the Lord Chancellor to grant them. 
(P.R.O. Warrant Book, 1770-1773, xxxiii. 137, 138.) 


well disposed people in seuerall Counties, to which the Lorde 
Chauncelor of his wonted clemencie graunted, but now the saide 
Thomas Butler by reason of extreeme pouertie, is fane vnable to 
compasse the chardge of getting out the said Seale. Therefore 
these are to request you, and euery one of you, to whome these 
presentes shall come, that you reade this and publish this in your 
Churches, and other places of assemblies, moouing the people to 
extend their beneuolence and charitie vpon this poore man, that he 
may the better be able to obtayne his sayd request. And this 
present writing to continue for the space of one whole yere next 
ensuing after the date hereof. 

" In witnesse whereof : I haue set to my hand and Seale the xv 
of September, in the xxviij yere of her Maiesties most gracious 
reigne that now is. „ God ^ the Q ueene .» s 

In the Hist, of St. John Baptist Church, Chester, by Rev. 
S. C. Scott (1892), 128, it is stated, that in 1718, the parish 
authorities were required to take " an oath before the Master 
in Chancery, which was desired by the Lord Chancellor 
towards obtaining a brief." That one was obtained, is 
shown by this entry in the Parish Register of St. Larvrente, 
Beading : — 

"1719-20. March 13. Repairing St. 

John Baptist's Church, 
Chester, Charge . £3269 15s. 0d." (212.) 

Whatever the form of this licence might be, it was usually 
addressed to the Archbishop and Clergy, but that granted to 
Lyme Regis in 1545 was directed to the Mayor, who acted 
upon it. Probably down to the beginning of the seventeenth 
century, a copy of this, accompanied by a circular letter 
of the Bishop of the diocese, was supplied to every Church, 
or to all included in the counties and towns mentioned in it. 
The more definite form of letter patent instituted by the 
Stuarts, would scarcely need the additional authority of the 
Bishop (except in the reign of James I., when a reversion 
to the form of a letter from the Privy Council was sometimes 
employed), although a letter from the latter occasionally 
accompanied it, under exceptional circumstances, down to 
a comparatively late date. 9 

8 Coll. of Broadsides, <kc. (No. 52), Soc. of Antiq. 

9 A great fire took place at Inniskilling in Ireland, in 1705, and nearly 
500 of the Briefs, on which the Collections were made, are preserved in the 
City of London Library. Amongst them are two printed circular letters 
(the contents of each similar) of the Bishops of London and of Peterborough 
to the Clergy of their respective dioceses, calling attention to the urgent 
nature of the appeal. 


In the earlier licences, the Clergy were directed to use their 
endeavours " to farther soe charitable and necessarie a pur- 
pose." (Nantwich Brief, 1583.) 

In the Tiverton Brief of 1612, the clergy were urged to 
exhort and persuade their congregations "to extend their 
liberal contributions in so good and charitable a work." In 
the Bishop of London's letter of 1622 (given in extenso, post), 
the Clergy were requested " upon some Sabbath day, in the 
time of Diuine Service,"- to prevail upon their parishioners 
" to extend their bountifull liberality " in aid of the Brief. 
The collection was to be made "after the due and usuall 
manner from seate to seate, and such of the Parishioners 
as shall be then absent, to collect their gratuities at their 
houses." The amount so gathered was to be endorsed on the 
Bishop's printed document " in letters, and not in figures." 
This is the earliest record yet found containing these three 
specific directions. The customary mode of collection was 
" either in the Church or from house to house." * The inser- 
tion of the amount collected on the back of ordinary Briefs, 
in letters at length, dates from the reign of Charles I. The 
Collectors were usually the Churchwardens (and were so 
named in the Briefs), but it was the practice after the 
seventeenth century to delegate that office to the Clerk, 
except in the house to, house visitation. The document 
always stated to whom the money collected was to be 

The Patent of Alms may be briefly alluded to here. Walford 
(3) describes it as " another form of brief intended to be 
used personally, and without the organized machinery used 
in the case of ordinary briefs." It was the subject of many 
abuses, and in a great many instances was employed as 
an instrument for ordinary begging; probably, in some, it 
passed from the original holder to others, to be used in 
a similar manner. Here are some Devonshire examples : 


"1588. Item paide to one that col- 
lected with the broad seale . vj d " 2 


" 1593-4. p d to a bocher of Torinton that 

had the Quena brod seale . vj d " 

1 Tbifl ifl the form used in "The Breefe for y e Towne of Cambridge 
greeuously visited with y e plague," on which, in 1630, collections were to 
be made. (Col. S. P. Dom. 1629-31, vol clxix No. 36.) 

9 Onus's Mag. 1830, i. 410. 



" 1597-8. Geven to a poors man that had 

a licence under the Great 
Seale to begg . . vj d 

1617. Paid a Gloster man who had 
his house burnt, he having a 
briefe to gather the countrey xviij d " 8 

Plymouth Municipal Records. 

11 1611-2. paid to a lame Captayne that 

had Ires pattente . . vj B " 4 


"1665. Laid out for a woman that 

brought a breefe . . 00. 01. 00" 

East Budleigh. 

" 1665-6. to foure soldiers with the Kinges 

broad seale to a gentle woman 
with a briefe [sic] . . 00. 01. 00." 

It was sometimes known as a " letter of request/' thus : 


" 1733. Gave to John Friend, who had 

a letter of request, for loss 
sustained by Thunder and 
Lightning . . 6d" 5 

The following transcript of a petition, evidently for a 
patent of alms under the Great Seal, belongs probably to 
the early part of the fifteenth century, and is interesting 
for relating to a Plymouth man : 

"Unto oure highe and mooste reverent fader in God and 
graciouse lord Archbishop of Cawnturbury and Chaunceller 
of Engeland. 

Bisechith mekely youre poure orator and perpetuell bedeman 
Richard Harrolde dwellynge in Plummouthe that it wolde please 
unto youre graciouse lordshipp to knowen how that youre saide 
bisechere is ifalle into grete poverte, standynge in grete age, and 
he may not helpe hymselfe, for as moche as he hathe ispende his 
tyme in ye Kynges werres by yende see, there beynge in prison 
of longe tyme durynge, to his grete undoynge for evermore 
withoute ye helpe and ye socoure of good mennes almes; 
Wherefore please it unto youre full reverent faderhod and 
graciouse lordshipp that ye wolde fowchesaffe atte the reverens 
of God and of his dereworth passion to have compassion 

8 Fifth Rep. Hist. MSS. Com. 572-3. * Ed. R. N. Worth, 147. 

5 Registers, dec. of Calverley Church, S. Margetson (1888), ii. 18. Cf. List 
of Briefs, Bottesford, Lincoln, in Church Furniture, by E. Peacock (1866), 


and pitee oyer hym for ye pite that Criste hadde over Mary 
Mawdeleyne graciously to grawnte to youre saide bisechere your 
lettre of pardon under youre graciouse seale, as he evere more 
desyreth effectually to pray for yow graciouse lorde, and for alle 
youre full noble worthy a unset res, atte the reverens of God and in 
werke of charitee." 6 

In addition to Briefs granted by, or under the direction of 
Royalty, others were issued by Ecclesiastical Authorities, 
by Municipal Corporations, and by Justices of the Peace, 
but they were restricted to the localities over which the 
respective bodies had jurisdiction, and probably were all of 
the nature of patents of alms. They appear to have 
disappeared at the Restoration. 

Although "the Church exercised the right of issuing 
them, not only prior to, but apparently coeval with the 
Sovereign at one period " (Walford, 2), yet it is difficult at 
the present day to cite many examples, after the middle of 
the sixteenth century. Here is one : 


"1640-1. Gave to a man who had a 

collection under the Lord 
Bishop of Exon's hand (574) . 2s. 6d." 

As it was the province of the Archbishops and Clergy up 
to the middle of the seventeenth century, to issue the 
necessary instructions for collections to be made on ordinary 
Briefs, it is probable that entries like the following referred 
to this class: Wing, Bucks. 

"1576. F 1 for two breves that came from 

the bishoppe of Cawnterbury . iij d " 7 


" 1602. for a brieffe directed from my L. 

Byshoppe .... iij ,,>8 

The following were probably granted by Justices of the 

I^ 06 : Woodbury. 

" 1575-6. It. to William Herman that had 

his howse burned w th fyer 
that fel from heven . . iij 8 iiij d 
To John Winter that had his 
Howse burned to withecom 
in the More . . . viij d " 

• Quoted from the "Early Chancery Proceedings, Richard II. to Henry VI." 
by S. E. Bird, f.s.a., in "Some Early Briefs," in Antiquary iii. 168. 
7 Arehcsologia, zzzvi. 238. 8 Ibid. xxxv. 438. 


A good example of a patent of alms sanctioned by a 
municipal body, is preserved in the Chester City Records : — 

"11 October, W. Elizabeth [=1586]. . . Whereas Robart 
Huntingeton Baker lately by Casualtie of fyer had parte of his 
howse burnte and consumed for recovery of suche his losses 
beinge A very poore man hathe exhibited his eupplicacon to this 
Assembly to have A gatherings within every Churche and 
Chappell within the same Citie And albeit such Maner of gather- 
inge is restrained by former orders, yet for releefe of the said 
poore man It is nowe ordered that it shalbe Lawfull for him 
ether by him selfe or by certen his frendes shall [sic] have A purse 
and therewith to repaire to all place and places within the said 
Citie excepte within the Churches and Chapells therof to collect 
and receive suche some and somes of money As it shall please 
the good and God lie of there free wills to bestowe upon the said 
poore man towards his losse." 9 

Another, from the authorities of a small town : 

Wilmslow, Cheshire. 
"1612. Gyven to a poore man of Knots- 
ford that had a certyfycat 
from the Townesmen that his 
smythy was brenned . . xij d " * 

It is probable that the holders of patents of alms were not 
permitted to make a "gathering" in churches and chapels, 
and which restriction R. Huntington sought, unsuccessfully, 
to have removed. Although this is not alluded to in the 
majority of entries in parochial records, here is an excep- 
tional one :— st Martin > 8i Leicester. 

"1592-3. Pd to a pore mann that hadd 

the queenes brod Seale y* did 
not gather in the church . viij d " * 

As a rule, a Brief was granted for one year, but if the sum 
gathered was inadequate, and especially at a late period, a 
new one was issued, and in some few instances a third. In 
exceptional cases a longer period was permitted at first ; for 
Chard fire (1578), Nantwich fire (1583), and for Tiverton 
fire (1612), it was extended to two years, and to seven years 
for Bath Church and Hospital. 3 The allotted time having 
expired, was a sufficient reason for no collection being made, 

9 Chester in the Plantagenet and Tudor Reigns, by Rot. Canon Morris 
(1894), 358-9. 

1 J. P. Earwakeb, East Cheshire, i. 105. 

8 Ch. W. Accts. T. North, 135. 

• Strype's Life of Abp. Orindal (1823), 358-9 ; Harding's Tiverton, ii 
Appx. 21 ; Cheshire Sheaf, i 346. 


although the Brief was read in the Church, as shown in the 
singular entry taken from the Parish Eegister of Ormsby 
St. Margaret, Norfolk : 

"October 19, 1701. I published a Briefe for a fire at Hor- 
monden in y e County of Kent, y a loss being above 1000 u , and 
being after y e expiration of y e time for gathering, there was 
nothing given to it." 4 

There is no allusion in the early Briefs to the area within 
which collections were to be made, but in the reign of Eliza- 
beth, although a gathering was permitted " throughout the 
Bealme of England" for the Bath Brief of 1579, the area was 
usually limited to certain specified shires and towns ; thus, 
the Basingstoke fire brief of 1601 was limited to "London 
and vij shires." 5 Under the Stuarts, with few exceptions 
(that for Capt. Whitbourne, in 1622, and the one for Cam- 
bridge in 1630, being two of the most notable), the limited 
area was the rule, of which the following extract from the 
Tiverton Brief of 1612 will sufficiently illustrate. The 
" charitable benevolence " was to be restricted to : 

"Our counties of Southampton, Wilts, and Dorset, with the 
Isle of Wight, and in our cities of Winchester and Salisbury, 
with our towns and counties of Pool, Somerset, Devon, Corn- 
wall, Gloucester, and Oxon., with the university, and in our cities 
of Bristol, Bath and Wells, Exon. and Gloucester . . . and not 
elsewhere." 6 

In the Domestic State Papers of 1625-6 (vol. xxxv. no. 35) 
is a document entitled, " An Abstract of the seuerall Ires 
Patents for Collections, graunted betweene the 30 th of Oc- 
tober 1625, and the 22 th of September 1626." They are 
eighteen in number, all granted "upon Certific* from the 
Judges and Justices of the peace, made at the Assises. 1 ' In 
some, the gathering area is extended to twenty-one towns 
and counties ; in others, is limited to two. Of the eighteen 
collections, only four were authorised to be made in Devon, 
and none were for objects connected with this county. 

In 1591 thirteen Protections, or Briefs, are recorded to 
have been granted, 7 eleven for poor-houses, and seven to indi- 
viduals (one for losses by sea, and six by fires). In each case 
(other than for two individuals belonging to this county, 
who had suffered losses by fire) the collection was limited to 
two counties. Of the two local examples, one was " for the 

4 JV. and Q. 2nd S. ii. 224. 
8 Harl. MS. 368, No. 3. 

6 C. Harding, Op. tit. ii Appx. 24. 

7 Cal. S. P. Dom. 1591-4, vol. ccxL pp. 128, et seq. 


poor-house of St. Catharine's, St. Martin's parish, Exeter . . • 
to gather in Dorset and Somerset " ; the other is thus 
entered : — 

"Protection for the poor-house of Plymton St. Mary, co. 
Devon, granted to Rob. Chyvere, guider there, to gather in coe. 
Devon and Somerset; certified by Thos. Southcott and Thos. 
Bidgeway, justices of peace." 

We may fairly assume that a similar protection, licence, or 
brief, was, in the early part of Elizabeth's reign, granted 
under like certificates, such as in the following local 
notices :— Woodbury. 

" 1572-3. Itm. p. to a pardoner that 

gaythered to saynt Katheryns 

yn excetor .... viij rt 
"1573-4. to a p[ardoner] y fc gathered to 

the hosptall of plimtone . xij d 
to the pore howse in excetor . riij d 
to the pore howse of totnes . xij d 
to the pore howse of toryntone . xij d 
" 1574-5. to the power osspytall of Teng- 

mouthe . . . . vj d 
to the power osspytall of 

pylton .... viij d 

to the power howse of Saint 

Anne without eastgate in 

exff 8 viij dw 

A " Docquet of Bills that .... passed the Great Seal in 
1578-9 (21 Eliz.)," includes eleven protections for gathering 
in various counties (limited to two in each), five being 
repeated for the same objects in 1591, but in other counties 
than those specified in the latter. The following is the only 
Devon example : — 

" Protection for the Poor House of St. Anne in Exeter, granted 
to Christopher Streamer, proctor, to gather in Cornwall and 
Devon." 9 

In his account of the Cambridge Brief of 1630, Mr. Bird 
remarked, "it appears to be the earliest specimen of a 
printed Brief on record," 1 a belief that was shared by Mr. 

8 The hospitals were for lepers, and Mr. Brooking Rowe informs me, that 
the Plympton one was occupied by that class down to the middle of the last 
century. In the Tavistock Records is the item, under 1573-4 : — 

" ffor the lazar howse of pylton .... iiij d " 

(30) Cf. Plymouth Municipal Records (1588-9) 129. 
Col. MSS. Hatfield House, pt ii. (1888) 237, 246, 248. 
Antiquary, iii. 218. 


Walford (17). Probably it was the earliest one that came 
tinder his notice, but that they had been issued in the printed 
form, far back in the previous century, is undoubted. The 
Registers of the Stationers* Co. contain numerous entries 
relating to them, of which this is the earliest : — 

" 1578. iiy *° Die Augusti, Thomas Wood- 
cock, Reseyued of him for 
printinge a brief . . . iiij d " 2 

Many others are recorded in them during the reigns of 
Elizabeth and of James I., and copies of printed Briefs in the 
reign of the latter will be described in a later part of this 
paper. Here is an example from a parochial record : — 


" 1604. to Gregory (apparitor) for a breffe 

in printe .... iiij d " 8 

We may, however, go back to a much earlier date. In 
Staveley's History of Churches in England (1773), 99-101, 
there is an account of a Brief granted in 1511 to the Prior 
and Convent of Kirkby Beler, in Leicestershire, to enable 
them to obtain money for repairing their buildings, " a grant 
of Indulgence " being " obtained of Pope Leo the Tenth" and 
a letter patent " under the Broad Seal " from Henry VIII. ; 
" one of which Briefs" remarks Staveley, " I have now in my 
Hands ; it is one large Sheet of Paper Printed, on the Top 
thereof, the Pictures of St. Paul and St. Peter, with the 
Popes Arms on the right Hand, and the Kings Arms on the 
left" Two long extracts are then given. 4 

Briefs (and the letters patent of which they were copies) 
may almost be regarded as one of the offsprings of the 
^Reformation, for, although they were not altogether unknown 
before that period, they cannot be said to have flourished 
until the reign of Elizabeth (when the term "Brief" was 
first used). Moreover, it must be borne in mind that they 
were, to a great extent, the substitute for the measures 
adopted by the Clergy of the old form of religion, to obtain the 

f Ed. Arbkb, iii 384. ' Archccologia, xxxv. 439. 

4 The Pope must have been Julius II., as Leo X. was not elected till 
March 11, 1513. That 1511 was the year, is corroborated by the following 
extract from Letters, &c., Hen. VIII. l 1504-1514, p. 285 :— 

" 1511 Oct 8. For the Prior and Convent of St Peter and St. Paul of 
Kirkeby on Wrethik, co. Leic, dioc. Line. 

"Protection, and licence to declare indulgences and collect alms and 
donations for the monastery, being in great decay, and the buildings belong- 
ing to it having been destroyed by fire. Tutbury Castle, 28 Aug. 3 Hen. 

vnL w 


charitable aid of the public in behalf of objects of all kinds. 
The Registers of the Bishops of Exeter, record many grants 
of indulgences to those, who rendered pecuniary assistance 
on such occasions. That of Bp. Bronescombe (1257-1280) 
contains several 6 Many are enumerated in that of Bp. 
Stafford, to those who aided in works connected with this 
county, such as the reconstruction of Holne and Woodford 
Bridges, the repair of Buckland Brewer Church, the 
reconstruction of roads in the vicinity of Plymouth, &c. 6 
In 1449 a large part of the town of Yeovil was destroyed by 
fire, and " forty days of indulgence were granted to charitable 
contributors on this occasion." 7 But simultaneously with 
the assistance derived through the Clergy, aids from private 
sources, grants out of county, municipal and other public 
funds, levies on parishes, &c, were common at all periods of 
our history, even after the introduction of Briefs, and without 
their expensive machinery and delay in execution. 

The subject is, however, too wide to enter upon here. 
Two varieties, however, may be noticed. Gifts were made 
to extra-parochial individuals out of the parish funds by 
general consent, where the case was known to be an 
exceptionally deserving one, and without needing a brief 
or a certificate of any kind, of which this is probably an 
example : Morton, Derbyshire. 

"1634. Item given to a poore woman of 

Duffield upon Trenitie Sunday 
at the Chapel], by the consent 
of the p'shners there, which 
had her house burnt away . 2 8 ." 8 

The Churchwardens' Accounts (MS.) of St. Martin-in-the- 
Fields, London, contain, from about 1614, a number of entries 
annually, of sums given to poor travellers, to those who had 
suffered losses by fire, &c, u out of the moneys collected and 
gathered at the Monethly Comunions." Here are two items 
relating to this county : 

"1610-1. A poore woman of plimmouth 

that had two children burnde 
[sic] • . . . ij B 

1613-4. to Thomas Sant travelling to 

Plymmouth . . . vj d " 

8 E<i. Preb. Randolph, 36-7. 

6 Ibid. 42, 133, 294, 371. There is a long list in the Devon Churchman, 
II. 1, 2. Cf. D. A. xxii. 257. 

7 Quoted from Bp. Bekynton's Register, in Collinson's Hist, of Somerset, 
iii. 204. 8 Rdiquary, xxv. 23. 


The following is copied from the same Accounts : 

"1603-5. Itm paid to a poore man that 

gathered for fire by w ch meanes 
we avoyded the collection in 
the Church . . . ij«" 

Sometimes the amount collected in the Church, was 
supplemented by a grant out of the Church fund. 

"1634. Item given by the consent of the 

parish to a breefe for the 
ministry of the Palatine, to 
make it up 5s. . .Is. 3d." fl 

Perhaps the most remarkable substitute for a Brief is 
recorded in Cox's Churches of Derbyshire, iv. 83. Funds 
being required to complete the tower of All Saints' Church, 
Derby, much assistance was obtained through the medium 
of Church Ales in various parts of the county. 1 

We now pass on to describe Briefs in chronological order, 
and it will be convenient to do so under each separate reign, 
from the sixteenth century to the period of the Eestoration, 
but not beyond, and to notice them under three different 

L Briefs for objects connected directly with Devonshire, 
whether the collections were made in this or in other counties; 
and as very little is known of them prior to the middle 
of the seventeenth century, it is intended to give as full 
details as possible. 

IL Briefs for collections within the county, for out-county 

III. Miscellaneous Briefs. 

The earliest mentioned in a list given by Mr. Walford 
(7-11) is "in connection with the Redemption of Christian 
Captives," under date 1206, a subject which has been the 
occasion of a greater number of collections throughout this 
country, in each succeeding century to the present one, than 
any other that can be named. Down to the reign of 
Elizabeth he enumerates very few (less than ten), the 
majority of them being patents of alms. 

Henry VIII. The important one of Kirkby Beler, issued 
in 1511 — important in the history of printed Briefs — has 
already received notice. 

9 Vestry Book of Pittington, Durham (Surt Soc. 1888), 98. 
1 One example will suffice to show the large sums gathered in this 
manner:— 1532. "The Aell at Brayllsford. 

Made by Edmund Torner, Ric. plesley, whoos sm mownteth to 
xi u . iij s . iiij d . The sm spended there xiiij*. v* 1 ." 


The only other in this reign possessing local interest, 
although, strictly speaking, it does not properly belong to 
this county, was issued for the repair of Lyme Cobb, in 
1545. Its site being close to the Devonshire boundary, 
was of especial importance to the seafaring population of 
this county, especially during the war with France, then in 
progress. It was this, probably, that caused the King, on 
June 23, 1545, to issue a Brief for obtaining contributions in 
aid of the repair, or more probably of the reconstruction, of 
the Lyme haven, whose origin dated back to about the 13th 
century. The Archives of the Town contain a letter from 
the Mayor (" John Tanner al Mopaige ") of that year, record- 
ing that " The Kynges grace . . . hath graunted unto us his 
gracious licence under the great seale for the terme of one 
yere, to send into divers shires of this his reyelme of 
England, our lawfull proctoures and messengers to collect 
and gather the devocion of well-disposed people," &c. 2 

Elizabeth. The reigns of Edw. VI. and of Mary, yield 
us no information on this subject, but with that of Elizabeth 
it is re-entered upon. As in her father's time, the construc- 
tion of havens and their efficient repair was assisted by 
collections on Briefs and other aids during her time. 8 

About 1574 or 1575, letters patent were issued for a 
general gathering to be made on Briefs throughout England, 
for the re-construction of a haven at the mouth of the Axe 
river in this county. From time immemorial a large and 
important one had existed there; but prior to the commence- 
ment of the sixteenth century it had gradually silted up, fuid 
the river entrance had become narrowed by the extension of 
the pebble-ridge. In his Itinerary, written between 1534 
and 1543, Leland gives the following account: — 

"Ther hath beene a very notable Haven at Seton; but now 
ther lyith betwen the 2 Pointes of the old Haven a 
mighty Rigge and Barre of pible Stones in the very 
Mouth of it . . . The Town of Seton is now but a meane 
Thing, inhabited with Fischar Men. it hath bene far 
larger when the Haven was good . . . 

3 Roberts' Social History (1856), 64. Henry's attention to the defences of 
the sea-coast had been an early feature of his reign, for in 1512-3 was passed 
"An acte concerning makyng of bulwarkes on the sea-side," in which 
"every landyng-place," or places where "the frenchemen oure auncient 
ennemies" are likely to land, are to be protected by "bulwarkes, braies, 
walls, diches, and al other fortificacions, from Plymmouth westward to the 
landes end," as well as " by the sea costes Estward." These were directed to 
be constructed at the expense of the various counties, in public or private 
grounds without compensation, and by forced labour. 

8 Vide Remarks on a new haven for Chester ■, by Rev. Canon Morris, op. cil. 



The Men of Seton began of late Day[es] to stake and to make 
a mayne Waulle withyn the Haven to have divertid the 
Course of Ax Ryver . . . But this Purpose cam not to 
effect." 4 

The following extracts from parochial records, will show 
that, in the 16th century, collections were made all over the 
country, and probably a very large amount of money was 
obtained towards its restoration. 

St. Michael, Cornhill (Vestry Book). 

"1575, June 29. Thomas Garrett and 

John Bowltynge to gather 
the collectyon ffbr a Haven 
to be byldedd in the weste 
countrye." 6 

Eltham, Kent. 

"1575. paid for makinge the bookes of 

the collections toward the 
makinge of Colliton haven, 
and for carying the said 
bokes two severall days to 
London . . . ij*" 6 

St. Michael's, Bishop's Startford. 

" 1578. p d for y e making of ij by lis In- 
dented one for Collington 
haven and j for Thomas 
Browne .... viij d " 7 

Cvlworthy Northamptonshire. 

" 1576. It. payd for the caryage of the 

money for Collyngton haven 

to Northampton . . iiij d 

1580. It. for a leter that was brought 

from Collyngtone aven . . ij d 
1583. It m . received of y e collection 

money of Colliton haven . y s ij d " 8 


" 1578-9. to the mayntenance of Colyton 

haven .... ij 8 " 9 

Wardington, Oxford (Par. Keg.). 

" Anno Dni 1576 the first yeare. A true note and certificate 
of suche men dwelling w th in y e towens of Werdenton, Williams- 

« Ed. of 1769, Hi. 71-2. 

• Ch. W. Accts. &c A. J. Waterlow, 238. 

• Archceologia, xxxiv. 61. 

1 Ch. W. Accts. J. L. Glasscock (1882), 59. 
» MS. 9 Ch. W. Accts. 48. 

vol. xxvu. £ 


cote and Cowton p] as have geven their money towardes y e 
repairynge of Collington haven in Devonshire. Ano Kegine 
Elizabeth Decimo Octavo. 

The money geven the 27 of May 1576. The first yeare payd 
Werdenton. Sume totalis is . ix« 

The second yeare for Collyngton heaven in Devonshire Ano 
Regine Elizabeth decimo novo. 

y e monye geven y e xxvi tb daie of May 1577 ano 

Sunle totalis is vj s 

The third yeare for collingto haven in Devonshire in y e xi 
yeare of Elizabeth. 

the money geven y e xix day of October Ano dni 1578 

Same totalis iiij 8 v d for writing ij d 
The fourth yeare Ano dni 1579 y e xxi** yeare — " [sic] 

The first three years are certified by "S r Aleyn Towe, 
curat," and the Churchwardens. 1 

In connection with this matter, the following is of too 
interesting a character to be omitted : — 

" 1576. The Queen made use of our Archbishop [E. Grindal] 
also in one particular more this year. Colliton haven at Seton in 
the county of Devon wanted repair. The Queen had sent her 
letters to Matthew [Parker], late Archbishop of Canterbury [he 
died on May 17, 1575], for that purpose, who gave a mandate 
to the Bishops and others within his province to have contribu- 
tions made severally within their dioceses. And the sums of 
money so raised were to be delivered to Thomas Weston and 
William Morris, merchants, of London, appointed by her Majesty's 
letters patents to be general receivers. These receivers were 
charged to have received greater sums than they gave in by 
their particular accounts. To find out the truth whereof, and 
that such frauds of charity might not go undiscovered, the Lords 
sent to this our Archbishop, to despatch his letters to all the 
Bishops, that forthwith they send notes of all such sums of money 
as had been severally collected, and delivered into the hands of the 
said Weston and Morris. And this the Archbishop accordingly 
did." 2 

This is the earliest notice yet found, of any suggested fraud 
practised by the collectors of Brief money. 

The continuation of these contributions over so many suc- 
cessive years, points out the importance that was attached 

1 My especial thanks are due to Sir H. Dryden, Bart., of Canons Ash by ; 
the Rev. Dr. Wood, of Cropredy, near Leamington ; and the Rev. C. Hul, 
of Cul worth, near Banbury, for extracts from parish records, and other 
information, respecting Colyton Haven. 

2 Life of Archbishop Grinded, by J. Strype (1821), 838, 889. 


to this haven. The foregoing extracts show that they 
extended to 1583, and probably longer. Within this period, 
Drake had circumnavigated the globe, the enmity of Spain 
had been gradually increasing, and " in 1584 the first vessels 
of an armada which was destined for the conquest of England 
began to gather in the Tagus." 8 

The following requires mention here, whether it relates to 
Colyton or to some other haven : — 

St. Man/8, Heading. 

" 1589-90 It'm payed to bonamy for carry- 

inge of the mony to Oxford 
gathered for the haven towne iiij d . w (70.) 4 

It is uncertain whether the work at the haven prosecuted 
by Thomas Erie, Esq., and his son, Sir Walter, as recorded 
by Sir W. Pole, refers to the same undertaking or not, but 
there can be little doubt that this author refers to it in the 
following passage : — 

" Seaton . . . About lx yeeres past theire was a colleccion 
over England, by authority, to collect moneys for the makinge 
of an haven in this place, but the money was converted to 
worse use." fi 

The estuaries of the rivers Axe, Sid, and Otter at one time 
formed natural harbours, and were much used by shipping, 
but the enormous amount of earth, gravel, etc., brought down 
from the land traversed by them, and deposited in their beds, 
have gradually rendered them incapable of being similarly 
employed at the present date. 

The learned Nathanael Carpenter, a Devonian, and one of 
the leading scientific men of his day, thus alludes to the 

* J. R. Green, Hist, of Bag. People, ii. 433. 

4 That other havens were receiving attention about this period, is shown 

by the following item in the Accounts of the Stationers' Co. : — 

"Receaued this yeere of Clement Draper and Henri 

Clitheroe in parte of paiemente of Tenne 

poundes heretofore Lente towarde the re- 

paireinge of Yarmouth Haven, ye somuie 

OI ....*• «1 • 

(Ed. Arber, i. 489.) 

• Devonshire, 123, 139-40. Risdon (Survey of Devonshire, 1714, ii. 59) 
remarks : — " Of which Work there remaineth no Monument, only a remem- 
brance of such a Place among Strangers that know not where it stands." 
The attempt of the Erles may have been made after the earlier one had been 
abandoned. Of the Erie family and their labours, vide Rogers' Memorials 
of the West, 379-81. It is singular that there is no allusion in Pulman's 
Book of the Agse to the Brief- Collections. 

z 2 


silting-up of the mouths of the rivers of Devon in the six* 
teenth century : 

" By the heaping up of sand and earthly nihhish, the mouthes 
of great Riuers are in time choaked vp . . . and for present 
instance need to goe no farther then diuerse Townes in Deuon, 
which (according to the Relation of ancient men) haue heretofore 
heen faire hauens, able to receiuo great ships, to which notwith- 
standing at this time a small boat cannot arriue except in a full 
Tide." 6 

The next Brief relating to Devonshire is thus entered in 
the Woodbury Accounts : 

" 1583-4. Ite. by the Justes Comaunde- 

ment to the Repearinge 
Agayne of the howses y* 
were burned at Samford . x 8 " 

We have evidence that this was Sampford Peverell, near 
Tiverton. At first sight, it would appear as though it were 
an example of a benevolence, directed to be gathered 
throughout the county, by an order of Justices of the Peace. 
Unfortunately, in this instance, the County Records afford us 
no information, as they do not date farther back than 1592. 7 

Considerable light is, however, thrown upon it, by the 
account of a great fire, which occurred shortly before at 
Nantwich, in Cheshire (Dec. 10, 1583), when the greater 
part of the town was consumed. A Brief was issued on 
March 11, 1584, and a sum of £3224 6s. 9£d. was obtained. 8 
A sum of £20 16s. 7d. was contributed by the Clergy of the 
diocese of Exeter, and a letter (of which the following is a 
transcript) was sent by Bp. Woolton to Sir F. Walsingham, 
explanatory of the reason why the amount was not greater, 
the Clergy having had so recently to contribute to the losses 
by fire at Sampford : — 

" After my hartie commendacons, According vnto the tenor of 
Ires sent vnto me from the lies of her Ma* 6- most honourable 
pry vie counsaile of the last of Marche and deliuered me aboute 
y e last of Aprill then followinge I appointed vr** 1 as muche 
expedition as I mighte learned and honeste men to collecte the 
deuocon of all the Clergie w th in my Dioces for the relief of 

6 Geographic (1635), bk. 2, ch. 10, p. 177. 

7 Such orders were, however, made by them, vide p. 20 of Mr. Hamilton's 
work. Here is an example from another county : — 

Bere Regis, Dorset. " In 1634, an order of sessions passed that this town, 
lately consumed by fire, should receive 50/ out of the county stock, and a 
petition for a brief was ordered, the loss being 7000/." (Hutchins' Hist, oj 
Dorset, 1861, i. 158). 

8 Hall's History of Nantwich (1883), 104- 9 ; Cheshire Sheaf t L 845-8. 


Namptwiche. And hauing vsed persuasions and all other good 
Meanes for the better speding therof cannot bringe the same to 
that proporcon w ch I earnestlie wished theye pretending manie 
excuses as namelie theire pouertie and like colleccons proposed 
unto them for the soucourringe of Sampforde Peuerell latelie 
burnte : a Borowe Towne in Devon. I assure yo r Lo. I haue 
done my beste in expedicon and in diligence aboute the same. 
Presentlie I haue sent by a trustie Messenger John Dunscombe 
draper of London to be deliuered to the handes of Thomas 
Alderseye and Thomas Braseye men nomynated for that purpose 
in the said Ires. The some of xx 1 xvj 8 vij d and if I can gather 
any more (w ch I feare will not be niuche) I will also send it. 
Vnderncath is specified from whome this some hath bene receyued. 
And so I comend you to the blessed proteccon of Almightie 
Exeter the xvij th of Julie 1584. 

Yo r Lo. assured f rende 

John Exon. 

Imprimis of the Buishoppe of Exon . 
Item y e Deane and chaptre there cosisting 

of 12 Canons residensarics 
Item of the Clergie w fch in Tharchdeaconrie 

of Exeter 

Item of the Clergie w th in Tharchdeaconrye 

of Tottones , 

Item of the Clergie w th in Tharchdeaconrye 

of Barum 

Item of the Clergie w th in Tharchdeacorye 

of Cornwall ..... 

Sunia total xx 1 xvj 8 vij d 

[Addressed] To the righte honourable my good frende S r 
ffraunces Walsingham Knighte her Ma* 68 Principall Secre 
tary deliuer theise." 9 

Sir William Courtenay and others, Justices of Devonshire, 
contributed £35 to the Nantwich fund. 1 The Bishop's letter 
shows that the money gathered for Sampford was, upon a 
Brief, equally with that of Nantwich. 

On several occasions Tiverton suffered from the effects of 
fire. One of the most severe outbreaks occurred in April 9, 
1598, when, according to particulars related in TJie true 
lamentable discourse of the burning of Teverton, a pamphlet 
published in the same year, 2 "400 houses, with all the 
Money and goods that was therein: and Fyftie persons 

• S. P. Dom. Eliz. clxxii. No. 26. 

1 Ibid. vol. clxxiii. No. 67. 

8 Reprinted at length in Harding's Hist, of Tiverton, ii. appx. 7-16. . 



.... 1 
lllj d 

V 1 

iij 1 v* 



ix d 

V 1 


[were] burnt aliue." According to Dunsford, 8 the number 
who perished was 33 (all of whose names are recorded in the 
Parish Register), and the property destroyed was valued at 
£150,000. On July 2, the Queen issued letters patent 
directing collections to be made for the inhabitants. 4 
The following local example may be noticed here : — 


"1573-4. 'One of Wythecomb* had 4 d his house being 
brent." • 

By collections obtained through the medium of Briefs, the 
English Protestants were enabled to render material assist- 
ance to their co-religionists in foreign countries, or to those 
who had sought a refuge in England. Such charitable aid in 
favour of those who had been persecuted and impoverished, 
was a new feature in the reign of Elizabeth, and met with 
general support The earliest notice yet found is the follow- 
ing, and was occasioned by the establishment of the 
Inquisition in Flanders by Philip II. of Spain, and by the 
Huguenot troubles in France, four years prior to the massacre 
of St. Bartholomew : — 

1568. Feb. 28. Bp. of Lincoln and others, to Sir W. Cecill, 
" Have issued letters for collections for relief of those persons 
who have fled out of France and Flanders to avoid persecu- 
tion for religion." 6 

At a later date, the sympathy and practical support of the 
English was extended to Geneva. It was within living 
memory, that it had been the city of refuge to many of the 
Reformed faith during the troublous times of Queen Mary ; 
it was the stronghold of Calvinism ; and had been " brought 
into great extremity and need of relief," owing to the 
intrigues and the repeated attempts of the Duke of Savoy, 
in 1581 and 1582, to gain possession of the place, and 
if successful, it was felt that it implied a return to the 
old religious forms. A letter from the Privy Council, on 
January 29, 1583, to the Archbishop of Canterbury, directed 
that contributions should be gathered throughout his diocese, 
for the benefit of the inhabitants of Geneva. 7 

8 Hist. Mem. of Tiverton (1790) 179. 

4 Strype's Life of Whitgift (1822), ii. 404-5. 

5 Records, 30. 6 Cal. S. P. Dom. (1547-80), vol. xlvi. No. 37. 

7 A transcript of the Letter of the Privy Council, taken from Earl. MS. 
787, No. 101, will be found in Ellis's Letters Illustrative of English His- 
tory, 2nd S. ii. 83-5. Another, but imperfect copy, with one of the circular 
letters of the Abn. of Canterbury [Grindal], and much other. information 
on the same subject, are printed in Strype's Life of Grindal (1821), 
412 420. 


The amount obtained in Devonshire is thus recorded 
by Dr. Oliver, in his short memoir of John Woolton, 
Bishop of Exeter: — 

"During his episcopacy, viz. in 1581 [should be 1583], a 
collection was made in Exeter for the relief of Geneva, to the 
amount of 591. 6$. Sd. From the clergy of the diocese of 
Exeter, 144/. 3*. 2d. Total, 203/. 9s. lOd. wa3 received: both 
sums were forwarded by Bishop Woolton to the Archbishop 
of Canterbury, to be remitted to Geneva, and duly acknowledged, 
as the ' Act Book ' shows. " 8 

The following is an example of the gatherings made 
in this county :- chudleigh. 

" 1583. Paid to Mr. Richard Wichalse for Geneveye — 
1. 3. 4" 9 

The Plymouth Municipal Records contain these entries : — 

"1582-3. Itm paide towarde the helpe of 

Geneva this yere . . . xiiij 1 n 

" 1589-90. 6s. paid to Minterne for a benevolence graunted for 

Geneva of the Clergie of this pishe." * 

In addition to those already noted, the following is the 
only other entry yet found of a collection made in a Devon- 
shire church during this reign : — 


"1593-4. pd. to one y* gathered to a 

towne called Marelbowre 
[Marlborough] . . . iij 8 iiij d " 

It is certain that many Briefs were issued during the 
reign of Elizabeth, both in Devonshire, as well as in the 
country generally: although neither the State papers nor 
parochial records yield much direct evidence. When we 
turn to the Registers of the Stationers' Co., we find some 
highly important information on this subject, and to which 
attention does not appear to have been hitherto directed. 

8 Bishops of Exeter, 141 ; and collated with the entry in the Bishop's Act 

9 Letters, &c. by Dr. F. Halle (1851), 96. 

1 Ed. R. N. Worth (1893), 124, 130. Several references will be found in 
Col. S. P. Dora., between 1583 and 1590. Here is one :— " 1583, June (?). 
The contribution of the Clergy and Laity, within the Diocese of Canterbury, 
towards the relief of the town of Geneva ; specifying the names of the con- 
tributors, and the amount given by each." {Ibid. vol. clzi. No. 21.) Parti- 
culars of the sums gathered in Lyme Regis, are given in Roberts's Social 
History, 250. 


All the entries of the sixteenth century (except that of 
1578, already quoted) are here given in extenso: — 

"1587. Die Saturn [a] e. xxviij. January. Thomas Purfoote. 
Allowed vnto Thomas Purfoote the ymprintinge of the 
Briefes of all letters Patentes to be graunted tmder the great e 
seale of England for gatheringe by reason of casualty es and 
losses happenynge as well by sea as by land. The printinge 
of whiche Briefes is aucthorised to the said Thomas vnder 
the Lord Archebyshoppe of Canterbury e his hand and bothe 
ye wardens, viz., master Byshop and master Denham. iiij d 

"1590. xj° Decembris. Thomas Purfoote. Entred vnto him for 
his Copies, vnder th[e hlandes of the Bisshopp of 
London, the maister and Wardens, tlie Abstractes and 
Copies of all such Briefes and Leitres TestymoniaU as tlie 
saide Bisshopp shall here after subscrybe or sealle for the 
gathering of the devosions of her rnaiesties lovinge sub- 
jectes, for the relief of anye person or persons that shall 
happen to fall in decaye by losses or casualties, [vj 4 in- 
serted and then deleted.] 

" 1590. 25 to Junij. Robert Robinson. Yt is agreed that he shall 
paye ij 8 for a fine : for printing a brief Disorderlye. ij' paid." 
[i.e., for printing a brief without a licence. 2 ] 

We cannot doubt that to many of the objects for which 
these Briefs were circulated, Devonshire was called upon to 
contribute her share, especially towards any of a national 
character, such as the repairs of S. Paul's Cathedral in 1561 
and 1584 An Order of the Privy Council (dated June 26, 
1563) to the Archbishop of Canterbury, for him to levy 
Contributions "for the reparations needful to 'Paule's 
Church/" is entered in Index to MS. Vols, in the Library 
of Dawson Turner (1851), 161. 

Dean Milman states "there were collections in every 
diocese, and gives many particulars relating to the various 
donations. 3 

The following refers to the second date : — 

S. Christopher '«, London. 

" 1583-4. Payde for Certaine Articles Rd. 

at Christchurch concerning 
the Collectionn for Powles 
with the Aunswer of them 
and the Ordenary Articles . xvjV 4 

3 Ed. Arber, iii. 463, 569, 862. 

B Annals of S. Paul's Cath. (1569), 282. 

4 Churchwardens* Accounts, Ed. E. Freshfield (1885), 14. 


Towards the effects of the great fire at Chard, circ. 1577, 
and for the " building of a church and hospital " at Bath in 
1579, Briefs were issued, extended in the former to two, and 
in the latter to seven years — Devonshire, no doubt, con- 
tributed to each. 5 "Tenne yeres" later, the Bath authorities, 
in a petition to the Queen, stated " there was collected . . . 
the some of xij or xiijc 11 , wherof thone halfe was spent in 
gathering of the said some/ 1 and the remainder being 
insufficient, they asked her Majesty to detain all the spiritual 
preferments in her hands "but one halfe yere longer towardes 
the accomplishment of so famous a worke " ! 6 Probably this 
was not acceded to. 

That the collection of Briefs in this reign was very costly, 
either from mismanagement or from some other cause, is 
proved by the experience of the Bath one, as well as of 
that of Basingstoke, for on the occasion of a great fire in the 
latter town on Sept. 16, 1601, "the Queene graunted Lycens 
vnder the greate Seale to gather the Charytp of well-disposed 
Persons in London, and vij Shires, whereof London was most 
bountyfull and lyberall : but by the badd Consiences of the 
Collectors litle benifitt came to the Partyes most Damnifyed 
by that fyre." 7 We have evidence that Devonshire was one 
of the " vij Shires," in the following extract from the Order 
Book in the County Becords : — 

"At the Chapter House (Exeter Cathedral) the 7th October, 
1602, Mr. Sparry e for the south division, Mr. Thomas Browne 
and Mr. Anth. Copleetone for the north division, and Mr. John 
Drake, Mr. William Poole, and Mr. Wm. Walrond for the east 
division, are contented to take notyce and informacon of all the 
money collected in every parish for the relieff of Bazingstoke, 
latelie damnified by fier, and to certifie the same at the next 
Sessions." 8 

On April 6th, 1580 (repeated on May 1st), a great wave 
of earthquake passed across England, and gave rise to many 
pamphlets and ballads. 9 Mr. Walford (70) includes the 
following in his list of Briefs : 

" 1580. In the Parish Register of Ecclesfield (S. Yorks.), this 
year, there is an entry : ' For y e bookes of y e earthquake. 
xiiij d .' " 

* Stbypk's Life of Q rinded, 358-9. « Harl MS., 368, 4. * Ibid, 368, 3. 

8 Communicated by Mr. A. H. A. Hamilton, to Baioent and Millard's 
Hist, of Basingstoke (1889), 78-9. 

8 An interesting account of it is related by Stow (Annates, 687). It 
formed the subject of twelve pamphlets and four ballads, licensed by 
the Stationers' Co. How eagerly the ballad writers of the day seized 
upon any unusual occurrence is shown by the circumstance, that on the 


The inventory list of St. Oswald, Durham, in 1605, 
includes " the booke of the earthquake." 1 

James I. — Up to the time of the accession of James I., 
there appears to have been no settled form of letter patent, 
warrant, or licence, under which authority was given to 
seek the aid of the charitably disposed, in favour of the 
specific object named. Although at first issued under the direct 
command of Royalty, it assumed, in the reign of Elizabeth, 
the form of a letter from the Privy Council, and signed by 
all the members present (e.g., Nantwich Brief, 1584, Geneva 
Brief, 1583) ; but with the advent of James an alteration 
was made, and the general form then commenced has been 
continued with but little interruption to the present century. 
(In some few instances, of which the Whitbourne brief of 
1622 was one, a letter of the Privy Council was substituted.) 
This form recorded that the letter patent was issued by 
command of the reigning Sovereign. (Vide the fac-simile 
of brief of 1640, post.) 

Mr. Walford (5, 6) was of opinion that it was "during 
the reign of Charles I. that the sole prerogative of authorizing 
the issuing of Briefs was assumed by the Crown," but there 
is a greater probability that it was the act of James I., 
simultaneously with the altered form of licence, and that 
it was under him that these letters patent first became " a 
prolific source of Crown revenue." 

There are several Devonshire Briefs to notice as being 
granted in his reign. In the Hartland Accounts is the 
following item : 

" 1606-7. Given towards the building of 

the Steeple of St. Sidwell's 
neere Exon. . . . iij* iiij* 1 ** (573). 

Dr. Oliver makes no allusion to this, but Izacke has this 
entry respecting it : 

day after the earthquake (Ap. 7) there was licensed, "a godly newe ballat 
moving us to repent by ye example of ye e[a]rthqnake happened in London 
ye. 6. of April! 1580." Another was entitled, "quake, quake. y* is time 
to quake when towers and townes and all Doo shake." (Ed. Arber, ii. 

1 Ch. W. Accounts of PiUingion, kc (Surtees Soc. (1888), 141.) 
It is noteworthy that in a letter issued by the Queen in 1580, urging 
liberal contributions to some of "the relligion in the Towne of Mont- 
pellier," this earthquake is alluded to as " an extraordinary admonition and 
suche as dothe foretell some greeuous and extraordinary punishment, &c." 
{S. P. Dom. vol. cxxxviii. No. 37.) The Devonian, N. Carpenter, 
remarked, " an earthquake hath no small consideration, being oftentimes 
a meanes which God vseth to shew some great and extraordinary judgment." 
(Geographic (1635), bk. 2, ch. 12, p. 198) 


" 1605. A considerable sum of money was raised, as a 
voluntary contribution made by the Inhabitants hereof towards 
the erecting of St. Sydwel's Tower." 2 

Although not alluded to in County Histories, a very ex- 
tensive fire took place at Cullompton in 1602, thus recorded 
in Mr. Hamilton's work : 

"In October, 1602, the justices met to take measures for 
the relief of the inhabitants of Cullompton, whose loss by fire 
was estimated at 8000/. For their immediate necessities the sum 
of 50/. was voted out of the hospital money, and the justices 
present individually advanced certain small sums by way of loan, 
to be repaid at the next sessions. Only two advanced 5Z., the rest 
only 40*" (20.) 

This was simply to relieve the immediate necessities of 
those who had been burnt out. The rebuilding of the 
place was evidently assisted by collections on one or more 
Briefs, as the following point out : 


1606-7 Geven towards the re-edifying 

of Collompton . . . xv d (573.) 

Morton, Derby. 

" 1611 (?) Towards the buildinge of the 

Market Towne of Collampton 
in Devonshire being burned 
by fire ... . Is." 8 

On Aug. 5, 1612, Tiverton was again the scene of a great 
fire, which destroyed the greater part of the town, with goods 
and merchandise to the value of £200,000. A full account 
of it, in pamphlet form, with a woodcut of the fire on the 
title-page, was published in the same year, under the title of 
Wofvll Newts, from the, West-parts of England, Being the 
Lamentable Burning of the Towne of Teverton, &c* As also 
after the fire of 1598, a ballad was issued by the printer. 
The loss must have been very keenly felt by the inhabitants, 
as they could barely have recovered from the effects of the great 
fire that had taken place fourteen years before. An appeal 
'was made to the King by the inhabitants, as well as by the 
County Justices, and on Nov. 9 of the same year he directed 
a letter patent to be issued, for collections to be made upon 
Briefs " in our counties of Southampton, Wilts, and Dorset, 
with the Isle of Wight, and in our cities of Winchester and 

2 Antiq. of Exeter (1677) 143. 

* Reliquary, xvi. 22-3. 

4 Reprinted by Harding, ii. appx. 22-32. 


Salisbury, with our towns and counties of Pool, Somerset, 
Devon, Cornwall, Gloucester, and Oxon, with the University, 
and in our cities of Bristol, Bath and Wells, Exon and 

The Brief of 1612 (from which this extract is made), is 
given in extenso in the works of Dunsford (408-10) and 
Harding (ii. Appx. 18-21), and is the earliest example yet 
found of the new form, that was first employed in the reign 
of James I. 6 

No entry has yet been found, in any of the parochial 
accounts that have been examined, of collections made on 
account of this fire. 6 

One of the most remarkable and unique uses which a brief 
had to serve as an instrument for obtaining the contributions 
of the public, formed a singular episode in the life of Capt. 
K. Whitbourne, of Exmouth, in 1622. Born in Exmouth, 
or in the adjoining parish of Withecombe, he comes first 
under notice in 1583, when he and Sir Humphrey Gilbert 
were in Newfoundland together, the latter " as the Queen's 
representative, and Whitbourne, as a common sailor." 7 His 
circumstances must have improved very rapidly, as, accord- 
ing to his own account, he served under Lord Howard, as 
captain of his own ship, in the attack on the Spanish 
Armada in 1588. In 1615 he was sent by the Admiralty 
to Newfoundland, to hold a Court there, to enquire into 
abuses, &c, and returning to England he published a work, in 
1620, bearing the following title : — 

"A Disco vree and Discovery of New-found-land, with many 
reasons to proove how worthy and beneficiall a Plantation may 
there be made, after a far better manner than now it is. Together 
with the Laying open of Certaine Enormities and abuses com- 
mitted by some that trade to that Countrey, and the meanes 
laide downe for reformation thereof. Written by Captaine 

* In The Practice of Piety, by Lewis Bayley, Bp. of Bangor (one of the 
most popular works of its class ever published, the 59th edit, having 
appeared in 1735), the Tiverton fires of 1598 and 1612 are recorded as 
"examples of God's Judgments ... for their horrible prophanation of 
the Lord's-day, occasioned, chiefly, by their Market on the day following." 
(55th Ed. 1723,247.) An anecdote is related by L' Est range/ that on the 
occasion of another fire, a Brief having been procured, " and a Devonshire 
man collector, the very memorie of the probable occasion of the former 
flames cooloth the charitie of many that remembered the storie, and was 
objected to the collector, who replyed that ( there was no truth in it, and The 
Practice of Pietie had done them much wrong' — which words, bearing a 
double sense, occasion 'd much laughter. (Anecdotes and Traditions, Ed. by 
W. J. Thoms. Camd. Soc 1839, 60 ) 

6 Tiverton was aided in other ways, vide Hamilton's work, 90. 

* D. W. Prowse, HisL of Newfoundland (1895), 62. 


Whithourne of Exmouth, in the County of Devon, and published 
by Authority. Imprinted at London by Felix Kyngston, for 
William Barret. 1620." 

Other editions, published in 1622 and 1623, are in the 
British Museum Library. The original edition (1620) of 
the work, in the same collection, contains copies, printed on 
paper of the same size as that of the volume, in which they 
appear to be subsequent insertions, of a letter of the Privy 
Council, dated June 30, 1621, and one written by direction 
of the King "at Theobalds, the 12 of Aprill 1622." (They 
are included in the edition of 1623, but not in that of 1622.) 
There is also inserted in it a circular letter, printed as a 
broadside, of the Bishop of London ; with the date of Sept 
16, 1622. 

Whitbourne's work was licensed for printing on April 26, 
1620, the author's name appearing as " Whitmore," and this 
name is repeated on April 3, 1625. 8 Notwithstanding the 
date of this license and that on the title-page being 1620, 
the work was, apparently, not issued till 1622, when the 
letters of the King and of the Privy Council were added, as 
well as the letter of Dedication to the King, commencing, 
"Most Dread Soveraigne," as the following extract will 
show : — 

" The following discourse . . . was presented vnto your 
Maiestie at Huntingdon in October last ; since which time, it hath 
pleased such of the Lords of your Maiesties most Honourable 
Priuy Councell, at Whitehall, the 24 of July last then present, to 
give mee incouragement with their good approbation thereunto ; 
and ordered, that the booke should be printed . . . to be re- 
commended to the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, and the rest 
of the Lords Bishops, to be distributed to the seuerall Parishes of 
your Maiesties Kingdome, &c." 

The three documents above-mentioned are now transcribed 
in extensOy partly owing to their importance in the history of 
Briefe, and partly to their interest as Devonshire documents, 
and being comparatively unknown. 9 

I. Letter op Privy Council. 

" After our very hearty Commendations to your good Lordships, 
whereas Captaine Richard Whitbourne of Ifamouth, in the County 
of Deuon, Gentleman hauing spent much time in New-found land 

8 Reg. StaL Co. ed. Abber, iv. 40, 158. 

9 They have been copied from the originals in Whitbourne's work. The 
first two are reprinted in T. Whitburn's Westtoard Hot for Avalon 
(1870), 82-4. Trie Bishop's circular letter is believed to be a unique copy ; 
probably one similar to it was sent by the other Bishops to the Clergy in 
each of their respective dioceses. 


(whither he hath made sundry voyages, and some by expresse 
Commissions) hath set down in wryting diuers good observations 
and notes touching the state and condition of that Country, and 
the plantation there, which being by order from vs now printed : 
It is desired to be published throughout the Kingdome, for the 
furthering and aduancement of the said plantation, and to giue in- 
couragement to such as shalbe willing to aduenture therein, and 
assist the same, either in their persons or otherwise, to which we 
thinke the publication of this Booke may much conduce : And we 
doe giue good approbation to his good indeauours and purpose. So 
haue we thought fit, earnestly to recommend him vnto your Lord- 
ships good fauours, both for the distribution of his Books within 
the Prouinces of Canterbury and Yorke, vnto the seuerall Parishes 
thereof, and also for your Lordships helpe and furtherance, that 
after his great trauels and charges, wherein he hath spent much of 
his time and meanes, hauing long time been a Merchant of good 
estate, he may reape by your Lordships assistance some profit of 
his labours, and towards the printing and distributing the said 
Bookes by such a voluntary contribution, as shalbe willingly 
giuen and collected for him within the seuerall Parish Churches 
of the said Prouinces : which will be both a good incouragement 
vnto others in the like indeuours for the seruice of their Country, 
and some reward to him for his great charge, trauels, and diuers 
losses at Sea which he hath receiued, as we are credibly certified. 
And so commending him earnestly to your good Lordships, We 
bid your Lordships very heartily farewell. 

"From Whitehall the last day of Iune 1621." 

IL Letter of the Kino. 

"At Theobalds, the 12 of Aprill, 1622. 

" His Majesty is graciously pleased, That the Lords Archbishops 
of Canterbury and Yorke, doe in their seuerall Prouinces proceed 
according to the Letters of the Lords of the Councell, bearing 
date the last of Iune, 1621, as well in recommending Captaine 
Whitbournes discourse concerning New-found-land, so as the same 
may be distributed to the seuerall Parishes of this Kingdome, for 
the incouragement of Aduenturers into the Plantation there; As 
also by furthering (in the most fauorable and effectual manner 
they can) the collections to be thereupon made in all the said 
Parishes, towards the charge of printing and distributing those 
Bookes, and the said Captaine Whitbournes good indeuours, and 
seruice, with expence of his time and meanes in the aduancing 
of the said Plantation ; and his seuerall great losses receiued at 
Sea by Pyrats and otherwise, of which his Maiesty hath beene 
credibly certified. And further his Maiesties pleasure is, that the 
said Captaine Whitbourne shall haue the sole printing of his booke 
for one-and-twenty yeares. « Qod 8ave the King » 


III. Circular Letter op the Bishop of London. 

" George, by the diuine prouidence, Bishop of London : To all 
and singuler Archdeacons, Deanes, and their Officials, 
Parsons, Vicars, Curates, Churchwardens ; and to all other 
Ecclesiastical 1 Officers and Ministers within my Diocesse 
of Winton 1 [sic], and the seuerall Parishes thereof, 

" Whereas Letters haue been lately addressed vnto vs from the 
most Reuerend Father in God, the Lord Archbishop of Canter- 
burie his Grace, recommending, according vnto speciall directions 
by him receiued from his Maiesty and the Lords of the most 
Honourable Priuie Councell, the publication of a Discourse 
written by Captaine Richard Whitbourne, concerning New- 
found-land, and a Collection to be thereupon made in all the 
seuerall Parishes within this Kingdome of England. And that 
by my selfe and my Officers I would giue my best furtherance 
thereunto. Now, forasmuch as the publication of the said Dis- 
course tends principally to the aduancement of his Maiesties 
Plantation already there begun, by inciting Aduenturers there- 
unto, as well for the propagation of the Gospell in that Countrey, 
as also for many great benefits that may be there gotten to all such 
as will be Aduenturers therein ; and likewise for the generall good 
and inriching of the whole Kingjdome, and not be any way 
burdensome, or hurtfull to any of his Maiesties subiects, as by 
the Discourse it selfe, herewith sent vnto you, doth more at large 
appeare ; And for that his Maiesty and the Lords of the Councell 
haue so well approoued the said Captaines good endeuours herein, 
as to recommend him in an extraordinary manner; That towards 
his great trauels, charge, and expence of time, with seuerall 
Commissions, and otherwise in this businesse ; and towards the 
Printing and free distributing his Bookes, and his seuerall great 
losses receiued at Sea by Pirate and otherwise, in aduenturing 
to further the said Plantation, and partly discouering the good 
which may come therby vnto all his Maiesties subiects; The 
voluntary bounties of all his Maiesties subiects should be collected 
to his vse and behoofe, as by their Lordships Letters, and his 
Maiesties pleasure thereupon signified, which is Printed in the 
forepart of the Booke, doth appeare. These are therefore to 
pray and require you my Brethren of the Ministery, in your 
seuerall Parish Churches and Chappels, thorowout my Diocesse 
of London ; That within one Moneth next after the said Captaine 
Whitbournes Booke, with this my Letter, which I doe allow to be 
Printed, shall be by him, his Assignee or Assignes, brought 
vnto any of you, you signifie vnto your Parishioners in so 

1 This mistake of "Winton" for London, confirms the probability of the 
form and contents of tho Bishops' Letters, being similar in each diocese. 


friendly and effectuall manner as possible you can, vpon some 
Sabbath day, in the time of Diuine Service, and when no other 
Collection is to be made, this my Letter, and the scope and intent 
of his Discourse, and seriously stir up and exhort them to extend 
their bountifull liberality herein; which you the Churchwardens 
are to collect, after the due and vsuall manner from seate to seate, 
and such of the Parishioners as shall be then absent, to collect 
their gratuities at their houses, and ioyntly with the Minister 
endorse the summe and place where it is collected, in letters, and 
not in figures, vpon these Letters, and then speedily returne both 
the Money and Letters, vnto Mr. Robert Christian, Gent, at his 
house in Knight-rider-street, neere the Cathedrall Church of 
S. Paid in London, whom the said Captaine Whitbourne hath 
intreated to receiue the same to his vse; that all such money 
and Letters may be speedely redeliuered ouer to the said Captaine 
Whitbourne, or his lawfull Assisignee [sic] or his Assignee. 

" Giuen at my Palace at London, the 16 of Septem. 1622 

"Geo. London." 

These documents show, that Capt R Whitbourne was 
allowed to have " the sole printing of his booke for one-and- 
twenty yeares," and the public were required to assist him 
with contributions in aid of two distinct objects — a very ex- 
ceptional proceeding in a single Brief — 1. To aid in defraying 
the cost of printing and distributing his book, "for the further- 
ing and advancement" of the plantation in Newfoundland. 
And, 2, "Towards his great trauels, charge, and expence 
of time, with several commissions, and otherwise in this 
businesse; . . . and his seuerall great losses receiued at 
Sea by Pirats and otherwise." His principal commission 
was to hold a Court at Newfoundland in 1615, and which he 
had to do at his own expense. 2 It may have been owing to 
this that a Brief was subsequently granted him. A copy of 
Whitbourne's work containing transcripts of the letters of the 
King and of the Privy Council, " printed in the forepart of the 
booke," was sent to every parish throughout the kingdom, 
together with a printed circular letter from the Bishop of the 
diocese. That the application for contributions was more 
pressing than usual is shown by the circumstance, that no 
collection in aid of any other object was to be made on 
the same day; and also, while it was to be gathered " after the 
due and usuall manner from seate to seate" in the Church, 
those parishioners who were absent were to be called upon 
for their gratuities at their own houses — a most unusual 

a PIIOW8E, 114. 


proceeding. 2 Prowse remarks of Whitbourne's book, that 
"orders were sent to the archbishops for its distribution in 
every parish in the kingdom" (118), but makes no allusion 
to the collections on the Brief. He further states that 
Whitbourne "seems to have made some profit out of his 
work, as there were no less than seven editions of the 
book published between 1621 and 1623." It is, however, 
probable that there were several issues of the three known 
editions ; and the fact must not be overlooked that a large 
number of copies were needed for distribution to parishes. 
The following extracts from parochial accounts illustrate the 
foregoing remarks : Pre8tburyi CJw8hire9 

"1623. For Captayne Whitburnes booke xij d 

Towards his collecon . . viij d " 3 

Morton, Derby. 

11 1624. 2 Maye — p d that daie to Mr. Brandreth the collection 
for New found land " [Amount not stated.] 4 

Yotdgreave y Derby. 

The Ch. W. Account Book between 1604-1745, contains 
[undated] " A Memoriall of all y e Bookes belonging to y e Parish 
Church," and in this list is included "A discoverie of y e 
new-founde land, written by Captaine Richard Whitbourne." 5 

That we possess but few records of a large number of 
Briefs that were issued during this reign is certain. Many, 
for example, must have been included in the following entry: 

S. Michael's, Bishop's Stortford. 

"1619. Ther was collected in o r Church 
w th in theis ij yeres past upon 
breifes and for fires by request . xx 11 xj 8 ij d " 6 

1 In only one other example has this double mode of collection yet 
been found. It is thus entered in the Vestry Book of St. Nicholas, 
Durham : 

"Feb. 8 and 12, 1679: Collected the said days upon speciall order from 
the Lo. Bpp. in the church and through the parish on the week day for the 
redemption of some Stockton seamen taken by the Turkes, 1/. 155. 8d." 
(Surtees Soc. (1888), 243.) 

8 J. P. Earvvakkr, East Cheshire, ii. 223. 4 Reliquary, xxv. 23. 

5 Reliquary, iv. 189. It is not clear why the claims of John Mason, 
in founding the colony of Newfoundland-, should "have been entirely 
ignored." (Prowse, 104-9, gives a full account of him and his labours.) He 
was Governor for six years, commencing in 1615, and in 1620 published 
A Briefe Discourse of the New-found-land, with the situation, temperature, 
and commodities thereof, inciting our Nation to goe forward in that hopefull 
plantation begunne. He receives no mention in Whitbourne's volume. A 
valuable work issued by the Prince Society of Boston, U.S.A., in 1887, 
entitled Capt. John Mason, the Founder of New Hampshire, contains a 
full memoir of him by Dr. Tuttle, his work in Newfoundland, a reprint 
of the Briefe Discourse, &c. &c. 6 Ch. W. AccU. 69. 



Again, in the Reg. of the Stationers 1 Co. the first entry 
under James I. is of Nov. 6, 1615, 12 J years after he com- 
menced to reign. The Tiverton Brief of 1612 is not 
mentioned, although Thomas Purfoot, who printed it, held a 
licence for printing all Briefs from 1589 to the time of his 
death, about 1615, when the licence was transferred to his 


There is no entry in 1616, but in 1617 there are four 
separate ones for printing 40 Briefs, and in 1618 41 Briefs in 
three entries, nearly all for losses by sea and land (fire), one 
is for " Captiues in Algier," and five for Churches. 7 One 
other is entered in 1621, and this is the last included in the 
Register? Not one of the number has yet been found 
mentioned in any parochial or other records. A licence for 
printing " The Councells letter to the Lordes grace of Canter- 
bury for Collection throughout his province for the releife 
of the poore Ffrench Protestantes refuged into this Kingdom," 
and dated Oct. 12, 1621, is recorded in Cal. 8. P. Dom., 
James I., vol. cxxii., Sept. 15, 28, pp. 290-3. 

The following items occur in the Hartland Ch. W. 
Accounts : — 

"1605-6. Paid to Steven Beare for com- 

minge for the money collected 

for the decaied churches and 

chappies . . . . vj d 
" 1614-5. Paid for my expenses at Torring- 

ton, when 1 paid the money 

that was collected for the 

building of a church in the 

Palsgraves countrey . . raj*" (573.) 

Of the first, nothing is known. The second indicates the 
assistance that was being rendered to Frederick, who married 
Elizabeth, daughter of James I., and became King of 
Bohemia in 1619, but was ruined by the battle of Prague. 9 

Six months after his accession, the King, on Oct. 8, 1603, 
issued a letter patent in aid of the city of Geneva, "of 
famous memory." This was addressed to Abp. Whitgift, 
who, on the 26th, addressed a circular letter to the Clergy 

7 One is thus entered : — 

"1617. Dec. 4. To Henry Veale and others for the bnildinge of 
Northam Church. " 
Whether this be intended for the Devonshire Northam is uncertain ; but 
there is a Northam in Hampshire, and another in Northampton. 

8 Ed. Arber, iii. 1576, 607, 610-1, 617, 620, 6, 9 ; iv. 60. 

9 There is much relating to the assistance he received from Devonshire in 
Hamilton '8 work, 56-62. 


containing a transcript of the King's order, to appeal to the 

public for contributions ; x and these are . some of its 

results: — „ ., , 


" 1603-4. Paid for the bringing of a letter 

for the collection towards the 
reliefe of Geneva . . vj d 

Geven towards the collection for 

Geneva .... xij 8 " (573.) 

St Michael's, Bishop's Stortford. 

" 1 603. pd. for copieng out the bus&hoppes 
Letter for the collection for 
the citie of Geneva . . vuj d " 2 

The appeal could not have been very successful, judging from 
the contents of an angry letter, sent on April 6, 1604, by the 
King to Abp. Bancroft (Whitgift having died on Feb. 29), 
commanding another collection to be made, " as the success 
therein is adverse to our expectation, and the speed used not 
such as the necessity requires." 3 

This is probably one of the responses to the second 

"^ " St Mary, Reading, 

" 1605-6. Paied to Mr. Docter Martin by 

Walter Eyer for the Collec- 
cion of Jeneva for Saint 
Maries Parrishe the some of v u xvij g v d " 4 

Geneva received assistance at a later date, but for a 

different object : D , ~ , , . 

J Repton, Derbyshire. 

"1617. It' paid towardes the Colledge in 

Geneva .... xviij 4 " 6 

1 Letter ifl printed in Documentary Annals, &c. by E. Card well, D.D. 
(1844) 67-9. This was the second important collection for Geneva — the first 
was in 1582. 

* Ch. W. Accts. 67. 

1 Col, S. P, Dom, Add, 1580-1625, 442, 3. This was not the only 
occasion on which James rated the Clergy for a similar offence, for in a letter 
of Abp. Bancroft, of July 27, 1610, is this passage : — " His majesty is not 
well pleased with the negligence generally of almost all the bishops in Eng- 
land, touching the collections prescribed heretofore by his majesty, for the 
building of the church of Arthuret, in Cumberland." {Documentary Annals, 
Jtc E. Cardwell, ii. 161). In this instance, the church was " built in the 
year 1609, by the help of a Charity Brief ; but the persons employed in 
the building going off with a considerable part of the money collected, the 
tower was left unfinished. 1 * (Hutchinson's Cumberland, ii. 546.) 

4 Ch, W. Accts. 96. 

9 Cox's Derbyshire Churches, iii. 440. 

2 A 2 


The havens received some attention in this reign, through 
the medium of Briefs : — 

"1620. July 12. Letter from the Privy Council to the 
Judges on the Circuit requiring them to give public and strict 
command for the speedy paving in of all monies collected for 
repair of the haven of Dunwich, Southwold, and Walberswicke, 
co. Suffolk." • 

The action of the Algerine pirates in capturing seamen 
and others, for whose release heavy ransoms were demanded, 
formed a subject of great prominence in this as well as in the 
previous 7 reign, respecting which there is much information 
in our County liecords, summarised in Mr. Hamilton's work 
(62-5). He points out the painful character of many of the 
cases, and of the exertions used to ransom captives, £30 
being, apparently, at that time the amount required to 
redeem one. The following are local examples of parochial 
collections in aid of this object : — 

" 1568-9. ij a to one that gathered for them that be in 

Turkey." 8 

"1607. For rasoming a captive out of 

Turkie . . .050 

"1614. To a man that came out of Turkie 

taken prisoner by the Moores 3" 9 

In the " Regester of the briffes." 
"1622. May the xij. Colected for vij Captives in Turkey 
vj 8 ix d delivered it to Richard Briant Cunstable." \ 

The Parish Registers of Youlgreave, Derbyshire, cont&in 
an entry that will serve to show the terrible magnitude \of 
the evil : — \ 

" 1624. To a letter patent granted by Act \ 

of Pari 1 [sic] for y e redeeming ' 

of 1500 prisoners from under \ 

y 6 Turkish rule . . 6 8 " * 1 

6 The collections had apparently, been directed to be made in the previous! 
year. Cat. of Broadsides, 61-2. \ 

7 In that of Elizabeth, the Plymouth Municipal Records contain this entry- ' 

u 1578-9. Itm pd to Ric Stidston for the captives xvj» " (128). 

8 Ch. W. Accts. 43. 

9 Letters, etc. Dr. T. Halle (1851), 104. Respecting the ransom of a 
captive in Barbary in 1581, there is a letter by Sir TT Heneage and Sir) 
W. Ralegh in Edwards* Life of Ralegh, ii 29-32. * 

1 Reliquary, iv. 192. There is a similar entry in the Ch. W. Accts'. 
of Morton, Derbyshire. Ibid. xzv. 23. Ii 

1624. June 29 62. Proclamation of letters patent, made by order o f 


Charles I. — It is remarkable that among the numerous 
Briefs issued in this reign, only two have yet been found in 
aid of Devonshire objects, and of these one is doubtful. 

Morton, Derby. 

" 1625. P 1 to Richard Lees of Bark in the 

countie of Devonshire for a 
toune burnt w th lire . . lis" 2 

The name of the town is unknown. 

St. Mary, Heading. 

"1627. to two poore men w * 1 had their 

houses burnt, the one at 
Litleham, and thother at 
Clapham given to them 3 0" 8 

It is noteworthy that there is no record of any assistance 
being obtained from this source, for the repair of the Church 
of Widecombe in the Moor, damaged by lightning on 
October 21, 1638, when four persons were lolled, and sixty- 
four injured. It is the more remarkable, as this occurrence 
caused a great sensation at the time, and gave rise to several 

That many collections were obtained by means of this 
authority in Devonshire churches during this reign, we have 
the testimony of the well-known Vicar of Dean Prior, in an 
epigram written by him sometime between 1629 and 1640, 
during the time he held that living : — 

" Upon Cuffe. 
" Cuffe comes to church much : but he keeps his bed 
Those Sundays only when as briefs are read, 
This makes Cuffe dull ; and troubles him the most, 
Because he cannot sleep i' th' church free cost." 4 

Of Briefs for miscellaneous objects, there were many 
in favour of the ministers of the Palatinate between 1631 
and 1635, of which these belong to Devonshire : — 


" 1635. It. pd. for deliueringe of y e money 

gathered for y e Palatinatte . 00. 01. 00.0 » 

Parliament, for a general collection throughout the Kingdom for relief of 
1600 English captives in Algiers, Tunis, Sally, and Tituane, who petitioned 
Parliament to pity their miserable sufferings, by severe captivity and torture, 
inflicted to induce them to become Mohammedans ; whereon each peer gave 
40s., each member of lower rank 20s. , and the Houses commended the cause 
to the charity of the people. Printed. (Cal. S. P. Dom. 1625-6, vol. clxviii. 
p. 287.) a JReliquary, xxv. 23. 

* 140. Apparently a patent of alms. The only Littleham noticed in 
Sharp's Gazetteer is in Devonshire. 

« R. HXREIOK, Hespcridts (1891), ii. 361. 


St Mary Arches, Exeter. 

" 1635. Aug. 2 I gave at Church to a Brife 

for y° Ministers of y e Palati- 
nate 5.— " 6 

The following curious irregularity belongs to this reign : — 


"1647. Pd to a Treasurer of the money 

Collected for the releife of y° 
poore Protestants in Ireland 
his Collection being before 
distributed to some of the 
poore of this Parish . . ihj" vj d " 

One of the great schemes of Abp. Laud, commenced by 
him during the period he held the See of London, 
1628-1633, was the restoration of St. Paul's Cathedral, 
and the funds for accomplishing it were mainly supplied by 
church collections throughout the kingdom in 1632, and 
several successive years. It involved the removal of the 
Church of St. Gregory, which abutted on the S.W. corner of 
the Cathedral, together with several small houses and shops 
immediately adjacent. These proceedings formed the grounds 
of some of the charges brought against Laud at his trial. 6 

The following were some of the Devonshire gatherings : — 

Plympton St Mary. 

" 1632 Memorand, that the 4th of March 1632, was collected 
in the parish of Plympton St. Marie in the Dioses of 
Exon toward the reparation of S. Paul's Church in 
London, the some of nine shillings seven penc three- 
farthings." * Littleham. 

" 1633. Collected this year aforsaide for S nt Poules Church in 
Lunden the sum of three shillings Eight pense halfpene 
and deliuered it vnto S r John Poolles Clarke to the pease 
afor saide per M r Roger weekes." 


"March the 24 th 1632. Collected in the 
Parish of Woodbery towards the repayr- 
ing of S* Paules inLondon the day and 
yeare aboue dated the sume of twentie 
two shillings and six pence . . . xxij* vj d 
And before collected xj* [wh]ich is formerly paid. 

Tho. Attwill rniniflter." 
8 MS. Diary of J. Hatne, of Exeter, penes me. 

6 Milman's Hist, of St. PauTs (1869), 334-6; Hook's Abps. of Canterbury, 
xi. (1879), 201-2, 366 ; Rev. Canon Simpson's Chapters in the Hist, of Old 
St. PauVs (1881), 265-6. 7 Trans. Exeter Dice. Arch. Soe. 1st S. v. 89. 


In 1634, 6s. 6d. was collected in the parish for the same 
object Judging from the next quotation, it would appear 
that some pressure was exercised to obtain assistance from 
waverers and others. 

Pre8tbury 9 CJieshire. 

" 1633. Itm spent about the Contribucon 

for Pawles Church and in 
givinge the names unto the 
Justices of those who were 
of Abilitie to Contribute to 
the same .... ilij*." 8 

The depredations of the Algerine rovers, as recorded in the 
previous reign, continued without interruption. Strong 
remonstrances were, however, made from the Mayor and 
Aldermen of Plymouth to the Secretary of State on Aug. 3, 
1625, and to the Privy Council on Aug. 12 of the same 
year; and in the same month by the Justices of Cornwall 
in a letter to their Lord Lieutenant, pointing out "the 
grievous complaints and daily losses which they receive 
through the Turks, who have taken in one year, besides 
ships, 1000 marines. Looe, in Cornwall, has in the last ten 
days lost 80 mariners." 9 

No serious attempt appears to have been made towards 
repressing this evil, but the temporising, and, as far as the 
pirates were concerned, the encouraging, expedient of pro- 
viding ransoms for the release of the captives, was continued 
to be followed. For this object funds were provided in 
various ways : private subscriptions, contributions out of the 
" hospital money " in the hands of the County Treasurer, 1 
Church collections, regular and special, 2 and the Gatherings 
on Briefs. Some have been already quoted under James I. 

8 Earwaker's East Cheshire ii. 223. 

9 Col S. P. Dom. 1625-6, v. 79, 82-3. 

1 Furnished by regular levies on the parishes for the support of Gaols, 
Hospitals, and Maimed Soldiers, D.A. xxvi. 346-7. 

9 There was published in 1637, Compassion towards Captives, chiefly 
Towards our Breiheren and Country-men who are in miserable bondage in 
Barbaric. Vrgcd and pressed in three Sermons on Heb. 13, 3. Preached 
in Plymouth, in October, 1636. By Charles Fitz-Geffry (Rector of St. 
Dominick, Cornwall. Author of the poetical work Sir Francis Drake, <kc. 
D.A. xxv. 93). This was evidently for a special collection. In the prefatory 
letters he alludes to the " monethly collections for this pious purpose " made 
in the same Church. 

The collections for this purpose must have proved a great drain on the 
public for a long period, as in the " White Book " of the Plymouth Municipal 
Records we find this entry made in the year 1617 : — 

" Orders for monthly collections in Church, for the relief of the poor and 
the releasing of captives.' 1 (Ed. B. N. Worth, 61.) 


In the Tavistock Records Mr. Worth remarks, "the list of 
* briefs ' and collections made in the parish is exceptionally 
long, and full of interest, especially the series for the relief 
of captives in the hands of the Algerine and Sallee pirates, 
who took many men out of western harbours in the reign 
of Charles I." (53.) Of a private contribution towards the 
release of one captive, this item is of interest. 

St Mary Arches, Exeter, 

" 1640. June 30. I gaue m r Marshall to a 

2 d Coleccon for redeeming 
Jo. Bolt from Argiere . .02 6." 8 

Whether Genoa is meant in the following is uncertain :— 


"1636-7. Gave towards the redeeming of 

a Captive in Genowaye [?] . Is. 9 Jd. n (574) 

None of the collections in this reign were made on the 
authority of letters from the Privy Council, but all were 
granted by letters patent, of which the following may be 
cited as copies or Briefs in extenso. One for the repair of 
St. Mary's Church, Maldon, Essex, granted in 1628. 4 One 
for the relief of Cambridge, in 1630, owing to the Plague. 1 
One for Yeovil, on account of a great fire there, 6 and a 
fourth for the repair of St. Leonard's Church, Leicester, in 
1640. (The one given in the accompanying facsimileJ) .Of 
this last-named Throsby remarks, " this little church stood at 
the extremity of the North Bridge, and had been rebuilt but 
a little time before its final destruction in the Civil Wars.** 7 

All the main features of these are similar to each other, 
but in one there is an important portion not alluded to in the 
others. The Yeovil Brief is dated on the same day — July 28> 
1640 — as that for St. Leonard's Church, Leicester, but the 
latter contains the following section wanting in the former, 
the cause of which difference is unknown at the present time : 

" Whereas We are informed of the great abuse which is now 
crept in amongst these poore people, who sell their Licenses unto 
some other person, whereby mens charity goeth not the right way, 
but unto such as deserve it least. That from henceforth Our will 
and pleasure is, That if . . . [any] shall make sale of these Our 
Letters Patents . . . these . . . [shall become] voyde and of 

none effect." 

* J. Hayne, MS. Diary, penes me. 

4 Printed in Wright's History of Essex, ii. 647-S. 

• In S. P. Dom. 1629-31, vol. clxix. No. 36. 

6 Som. and Dors. N. and Q. i. 70-73. 

7 Hist, of Leicester, 234. 


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This, however, was not the only kind of trickery employed. 
Money collected in such a comparatively easy manner led to 
frauds of all kinds, of which a few examples may be noticed 

Early in the reign of James I. this entry is found in the 
Middlesex County Records : — 

'* 1609. 15 August, 7 James I. Recognizances taken . . . 
for the appearance at the next Gaol Delivery of Thomas . . . 
[sic] of Islington, co. Midd. gentleman, there to answer 'for 
counter fey tinge dyvers Justices of the Peace handes and seales, 
and for making counterfeite letters pattentes to begge in churches 
for losses by fyre and such like.' " 8 

Briefs suspected to be forged are described in a letter from 
Sir T. Goodwin to Sec. Conway, on May 28, 1626. 9 A 
counterfeit Brief, dated Feb. 22, 1632-3, reporting a reputed 
fire at Cockermouth, when 105 dwelling-houses were 
destroyed, and 41 persons burnt, 1 was probably the im- 
mediate cause of publication of a Royal "Proclamation against 
making Collections without Licence vnder the Great Seale," 
and dated March 21, 1632-3. 2 

On July 9 of the same year (7 Charles I.) a True bill was 
found, at the Middlesex Sessions, against a man who had 
"made, or caused to be made, a certain spurious passeport 
under the counterfeited hands and seals" of certain "Justices 
of the Peace . . . certifying that the bearer . . . was an 
honest tradesman . . . who had been utterly ruined by a 
fire . . . and desiring all readers of the fabricated letters to 
have pity upon and, in reasonable ways, befriend the victim 
of grievous misfortune." 3 

A forged Brief circulated at some distance from the place 
where the loss is said to have occurred, or the sufferer resided, 
must have been difficult of detection in the seventeenth 

There is no reason to believe, that the number of Briefs 
had diminished, up to a short period prior to the commence- 
ment of the Civil War, in 1642 ; but from that year ex- 
tremely few are noted, none of them of Devonshire. 4 One is 

8 Ed. Jeaffreson, ii. 55. 

• Cal. S. P. Pom. 1625-6, vol. xxvii. No. 78. 

1 Ibid. 1631-33, vol. cxxxii. No. 6, and in exienso in Antiquary, iii. 219. 

* Coll. Procs. Car. I. No. 162 and Cal. S. P. Dom. 1631-33, p. 580. 

8 Midd. Co. Records, iii. 39. Another example is related on 19 June, 1653. 
Ibid. iii. 217. 

4 Excepting the one in the Woodbury parish records of 1647, already 
quoted ; Irat this was to note the restitution of money which had been 
collected on a Brief some time before (year unknown), and had been wrongly 
applied to another purpose. 


thus entered in the Account Book of St. Olave's, Hart Street, 
London : — 

"1642, April 24. for y e inhabitants of 

Barwick upon Tweed, in the 

Kingdom of England, to- 
wards the repaire of their 

church, the some of fifty 

seaven shillings . . . y u -xvij 8 d ." 
"In the same year collections were made 

for poore Irish Ministers and 

their families, by order of the 

Lords and Comons . . vy u - xj 8 j d ." 6 

and several patents of alms down to 1644. 

After a prolonged search, the two following are the only 
examples yet found, between those just mentioned and the 
death of the King, in 1649 : — 

Stanton St. John, Oxfordshire. (Par. Reg.) 

" Collected in Stanton St. Johns, for the 

reparation of Marlow Bridge, 
in Aprill, 1648, the Sum of 6 ll."« 

Eastington, Gloucestershire. 
"1648. ToaBriefe .... 2 0." 7 

Probably a few others may be discovered from time to 
time. The reason of their diminution, or cessation, is not 
very far to seek. From January 4, 1642 — when Charles 
made the attempt to arrest the five obnoxious Members — 
Parliament began to put forth its powers, and men's minds 
began to be thoroughly occupied with the events, which fore- 
shadowed the great coming struggle between the two parties. 
At an early date, the privileges of Royalty in grunting letters 
patent for charity and other collections, were attacked. 
Thus we find the following in the Journals of the House of 
Commons : — 

"Die Martis, ultimo January, 1642 [3] 

" Mr. Marten [the regicide] is appointed to bring in an Order 
for inhibiting any Collections upon any Brief under the Great 

Five years later this position was reversed, according to 
the same Journal : 

"Die Lun®, 10° Januarii 1647 [8]. 

" Ordered, That a Grant be prepared, and that the Commissioners 
of the Great Seal be hereby authorized and required to pass the 

8 Annals of St. Olave's, &c, by Rev. A. Povah (1894), 219. 
8 Reliquary, x. 9. 7 Gloc N. and Q. iii. 247. 


same, tinder tbe Great Seal, unto the Bailiffs and other Inhabitants 
of the Town of Bridgnorth, for a general Collection of the 
Charity of the well-disposed People through all tbe Counties 
of England, and Dominion of Wales, for Belief of the Inhabitants 
of the said Town, who sustained, by the Enemies firing the said 
Town, Spoil to the Value of Ninety Thousand Pounds, to the 
utter Ruin of above Three hundred Families." 

" Resolved &c That this House doth declare and so order, That 
no general Collections shall be made in Parishes, by way of Brief, 
for demanding the Charity of People, except it be made under the 
Great Seal of England, directed by Order of both Houses of 

This may serve to explain the two briefs of 1648 re- 
corded above. 

Commonwealth. Whether Parliament exercised their 
powers, and issued any Briefs between 1648 and 1653, we 
do not know; certain it is that no notices have been found 
until the latter year; but from that year, excepting that 
of 1654, there are many entries in parish books relating 
to them, the principal objects aided being losses by fire, 
the repairs of a few Churches, and relief for the persecuted 
Protestants of Poland and Savoy. 8 

Although we have been unable to discover any notice 
of assistance rendered to Devonshire by aids of this kind 
during the Commonwealth period, the inhabitants contributed 
liberally to other objects. The following extracts illustrate 
the general character of the collections during the few years 
prior to the ^Restoration : 

St. Mary Magdalen, Launceston (Par. Reg.) 

"xxth of August 1653. Collected in ye towne and parrish 
towards the reparation of ye sad and lamentable loss at Marlborough 
in Wilts by orde [sic] from ye Councell of State ye sum of ffifty 
fower shillings. " 9 

For the same object, forty-eight shillings were contributed 
by Toddington, Beds., the loss at Marlborough being stated to 
be "foure score thousand pounds." Bilton, 1 York, gave 
£1 3s., 2 Great Longstone, Derbyshire, 9s. Id., 8 and Goostrey, 
Cheshire, 10s. 4 

• The last met with a liberal response in the country generally. "A 
ruthless massacre of these Vaudois by the Duke's [Savoy] troops roused deep 
resentment throughout England, a resentment which stilt breathes in 
the noblest of Milton's sonnets' 9 ['Avenge, O Lord, thy slaughtered 
saints']. (J. R. Grekn, Short Hist, of the Eng. People, iii. (1893) 1267.) 

• N. 4 Q. 7th S. xi. 85. l Ibid. 6th S. ii. 90. 

• Antiquary, viii. 248. 8 Reliquary, ii. 156. 
4 Eabwakkr, Hist, of Sandbach, 247. 


Bletchingley, Surrey. 

"1655. Collected for relief of the poor 

Protestants in Savoy by a 
declaration of the Lord Pro- 
tector ... . £6 16*. 8 d ." 5 

Wliitegate, Cheshire. 

" 1655. Spent in goeing all over Darnhall 

a whole day for the gather- 
ing of the great Collection 
for the poore inhabitants 
of the valleyes of Lucerne, 
Angrona, by Will Norlance 
and John Carter ..01 0."« 

St. Thomas', Exeter. 

" 1656. In one of the ancient registers of St. Thomas 9 , Exeter, 
is an account of the Collections made throughout Exeter, and 
in every parish in Devonshire for the rebuilding of the Parish 
Church in 1656; and of the sums contributed to the building of 
St Paul's Cathedral/' 7 

Hannington, Wilts. (Par. Beg.) 

" 1657. Collected for y° distressed y* were burnt in S. Mary, 
Blandford and Bramstone in y e County of Dors* y e 6 th day of 
October 1657. They having Letters pattente fro 01iv r Cromwell 
then Protector by virtue of whose patent the s d distressed whose 
howses were then and there burned we whose names are und r 
written Collected the Some of Seaven Shillings and ffowre pence 
wh : by the same patent we were Comanded to register downe 
in this booke under our hands. Collected I say August the 29, 
1658, y full some of '0 7 8 4 d ." 8 


" 1658. Collected for the distressed in- 

habitans in gloston in Sumer- 
sett which hapened by fire. 
And paide to Thomas den- 
ham Collector for the mony 9 7 
Collected in this parish for the 
distresed protestants in paid- 
mont and paide in; to the 
vnder shirife . . . 15 0." 

• Surrey ArehasoL Coll. v. 251. 

6 Cheshire Sheaf, Sept 9, 1891, p. 134. 

7 Trans. Exeter Dioc. Arch. Soe. ii. 39. A careful examination of the 
Parish Registers has, however, failed to reveal the existence of any entry 
of this kind. 

8 Som. and Dors. N. and Q. ii. 163. 



"The 18 th of September 1659. These are to Testifie that there 
was this day Collected in this Parish by vertue of a Briefe the 
sume of Twenty one shillings and eight pence towards the great 
Losses by ffire of the Inhabitants of the Maritime Towne & 
Corporation of Southwold otherwise Soul bay in the County of 
Suffolk." ! 

The following are probably two of the latest collections on 
Briefs that were authorised during the Commonwealth 

*^ ' Tavistock. 

" 29 th of Aprill, 1660. Colected for a Company goinge to New 
England taken by the Ostenders the some of £2 6s. 6d. 
"May 27 [1660], fire at Maungers howse, £2 13s. 10d." 2 

Two examples of frauds, widely different in kind, are here 
appended, and will serve to show that the Commonwealth 
period formed no exception to their occurrence : — 

St. Martin-in-the- Fields, London. 

" 1655. Laid out in making good the badd money which was 
Collected for the distresse of Protestants beyond sea 4s." a 

Sessions Records, West Riding of Yorkshire. 

"H. Tayler was brought into Court, for circulating 'diverse 
printed papers calling them breeues ... for the collectinge 
of moneys for a fyre happened in Rumsey in Hampshire/ and for 
receiving money upon them. The Court adjudged 'the same to 
bee counterfeite/ and Tayler 'to bee a wandering rogue.' For 
punishment they ordered him to be 'conveyed to the Toune 
of Wakefield, and on Fryday next to bee stript to the waste, and 
betweene the hours of tenn and two of the clock of the same day 
there to be publiquely whipt on his naked shoulders through 
the market-place till blood appeare, and on either of his armes 
one of the counterfeite papers fixt/ All this was to be repeated 
at Pontefract and at Leeds on separate days. He was then to 
be sent to the House of Correction, and to be brought up at 
the ensuing Sessions ' there to receive further order.' " * 

1 Collection at Repton for same object, vide Derbyshire Arch. Journal, i. 27. 

2 Records, by R. N. Worth, 54. 

* Cat. of Parish Documents, by T. Mason (1894), 4. 
4 9th JUp. Hist MSS. Com. (1883), S26. 


(Read at Okehampton, July, 1895.) 

To point out an error in Lysons' Devon seems a somewhat 
ungracious proceeding, but the book is so universally read, 
and so justly relied upon, so valuable in every way to the 
student and to the mere lover of his native country, that it 
seems only right to correct any small misstatements that 
may have crept into its pages. Lysons say, then, that 
" Sydenham House, in the parish of Maristow, was taken, 
January, 1644-45, by Colonel Holbome." 1 Nearly all who 
have written about Sydenham quote this, and in some cases 
amplify. Mrs. Bray, 2 Miss Evans, 8 even our learned friend 
Mr. Worth, in his History of Devonshire, page 192, all follow 
and rely upon Lysons. 

Wishing to find out more about this siege, because the 
period of the Civil War is to me the most interesting in our 
history, and of all our old Devonshire mansions Sydenham 
quite the most beautiful and fascinating, I proceeded to verify 
the authority given by Lysons. The modern student of 
history is encouraged to be sceptical, and it is useless to build 
a superstructure on rotten foundations. The result of these 
researches I now place before you. 

John Vicars, Magnalia Dei Anglicana, 1646 (this is the 
passage referred to by Lysons). 

"About the 18 instant (January 1644-45) wee received certain 
information again by letters out of the West of valiant Colonell 
Holborn's taking in of Sydenham-House, in which hee had neer an 
100 prisoners, among whom was one Captain, one Lieutenant and 
other officers in armes together with some other persons of quality : 
and he surprized also the High Sheriffe of Somersetshire and the 

1 Vol. i. p. xv. quoting from Vioaks' Parliamentary Chronicle, pt. iv. 
p. 96. 
a Tamar and Tavy, 1838, iii. 75. * Hume Scenes, 163. (1846.) 


Commissioners of Array with him ; and also that hee shortly after 
took 300 prisoners with many Horse and Armes as they were 
forraging abroad in those parts for plunder and spoyl." 

Taunton had been relieved by Anthony Cooper, afterwards 
Earl of Shaftesbury, and Major - General Holborne, 14 
December, 1644* On 23 December, the Committee wrote 
to Major-General Holborne : 

"We consider that you have done good service in relieving 
Taunton, and hope you will have opportunity of further service 
there." • 

The first thing that strikes one in reading this extract from 
Vicars, is that it should speak of Holborne's taking "in" 
Sydenham as if it was close at hand, the distance from 
Taunton, in Somerset, to Sydenham, on the borderland of 
Devon and Cornwall, being very great. 

But to pass on to more extracts from the news-letters of 
the period. 

"Since the garrison at Taunton Castle are freed from their 
besiegers they have made an expedition as far as Tiverton in 
Devonshire, where they amongst others took Cullam the high 
Sheriff of that County and ten other Commissioners that were 
sitting there to rase forces against the Parliament" 6 

" We understand that Colonel Holbourne hath taken Sydenham 
House in which he found fourscore prisoners. It is confirmed like- 
wise that he hath taken Major Culham the high Sheriff of Devon- 
shire and ten Commissioners of Array." 7 

Eisdon gives Richard Culme as Sheriff, 17 Car., 1641-42 
— Mercuricus Civicus, of the same date. 

" Yet another exploit of Col. Holbourne's forces which I omitted 
was the taking of Sydenham House in which he took a Captaine, 
a Lieutenant and other officers and more than 100 Common 
Souldiers prisoners." 

The Scottish Dove, 17th to 24th January, is a little more 
ample in its details. 

" Col. Holbourne hath taken a garrison of the enemy's called 
Sydenham House, in which he took many prisoners and divers of 
note and quality," etc. — " It is further certified that he hath 
cleared the county in all these parts, having since the taking of 
Sydenham house fallen upon Hopton's forces as they were going 
towards Devonshire to join with Greenvile," (Sir Richard 
Grenville then besieging Plymouth) "Hopton's men were driven 
back to Bristol." 

Hi$L of the Great Civil War, Gardiner, ii. 183. 
5 Col. 8. P. Dom. 1644-5. • The London Post of 21st January, 1644-45. 
7 A Diary or an Exact Journal, from Thursday, 16th January, to Thursday, 


There is nothing in these accounts to warrant the identifi- 
cation of Sydenham House with the Devonshire Sydenham ; 
on the contrary, the Scottish Dove explicitly states that 
" Holbourne since the taking of Sydenham House has fallen 
upon Hopton's forces as they were going towards Devonshire." 

Dr. Rawson Gardiner, the greatest living authority for this 
period of our history, was kind enough to give me his opinion. 
He says, " I know Sydenham House, in Devonshire, but I 
am perfectly certain that Holborne never was there. He was 
not included in the New Model, and he went off to serve the 
Scots, reappearing as having guard over Montrose." 

The house actually "taken in" by Holborne was Combe 
Sydenham, in the parish of Stogumber, about ten miles from 
Taunton. It had its name from the ancient Somerset family 
of Sydenham, and at this period belonged to Sir George 
Sydenham, who was an officer in the King's Army. It was 
probably he who garrisoned the mansion, and held it against 
the Parliamentary forces. There is a fine effigy of him in 
Stogumber Church. Part of the old mansion is used as a 
farmhouse, the rest ruined, "with ivy creeping through the 
fine old arches." 8 

But it is impossible to pass over the Devonshire Sydenham, 
"the best preserved Elizabethan mansion in that part of 
Devon," 9 without a few words. The property of the Wyse 
family since the time of Henry IV., the house had been early 
in the seventeenth century rebuilt, or to quote Kisdon (p. 
219), "beautified with buildings of such height, as the very 
foundation is ready to reel under the burthen." Fortunately 
the foundations are in the solid rock, and so the mansion 
exists very much as Sir Thomas Wyse left it. He died at 
Sydenham before 14th April, 1630. 1 His son, Thomas, did 
not live at Sydenham, but at "Keame" (Keyham), or 
" Wyseworthie," 2 where Sir Thomas had " built a proper 
house for his pleasure, called after the founder's name Mount 
Wise." 8 This house had been settled on Lady Mary 
Chichester (20th Aug. 1629) on her marriage, 22 October, 
with Thomas Wyse. He was one of the two county members, 
and died 1641, when his son and heir, Edward, was only 
nine years old. His wardship was obtained, as his father 
" earnestly did beseech and entreat," 4 by Francis Buller, of 
Shillingham, who seems to have managed the estates care- 

8 Collinson's History of Somerset, 1791, iii. 86. 

9 Worth, Hist, of Devonshire, 192. 
J Will. P. C. C. Soroope, 40. 

* Inq. P. M. of Thoa. Wise, 17 Car. I. pt. i. No. 103. 
1 Risdon, 208. 4 Will. 


fully. He (F. B.) resided sometimes at Sydenham, and kept 
stores there in 1642, when Sir Samuel Rolle writes to Sir 
R. Buller (22nd Sept., 1642), " I have sent to Sidnam for 20 
Musketts, of w ch I desire you to acquaint my Cousin 
Buller." • The Wyses were Parliament men, but Edward 
took no active part in the Civil War. After finishing his 
education at Exeter College, Oxford, he married (2nd March, 
1651-2), at the age of nineteen, Arabella, daughter and co- 
heiress of Oliver Lord St. John, of Bletsoe, slain at Edgehill 
fighting for the Parliament. 

Edward Wyse resided with his wife's family at Melch- 
bourn, Bedfordshire, where liis two children, St. John (b. 14th 
January, 1652-3— died 19th April, 1658), and Arabella (b. 
12th January, 1653-4), were born. In 1653 he returned to 
Sydenham, and either because the house had been injured 
during the war, or because he found it too small, he com- 
menced to build. The local tradition of a siege of Syden- 
ham is not, so far is I have been able to discover, supported 
by any contemporary evidence, though the swords and pistols 
of the period found in the Turtle Grove, near the house, may 
surely be taken as evidence of fighting of some sort. It is at 
all events certain that Edward Wyse carried out extensive 
building operations, for the estimates in his own handwriting 
exist. They are dated February, 1654, and set forth first 
M Mr. Batleys vallew for y e building of my house at Siden- 
ham," etc., and then, "A guesse given by me what y e materialls 
will cost with all carriage," etc. It is evident that a new 
building is meant, not merely a restoration of the existing 
mansion, as cellars and foundations are to be dug. As wood 
windows are particularly mentioned, the square block at the 
back, looking on the garden, must have been Edward Wyse's 
addition ; the windows here are the only wooden sashed ones 
in the house, all the rest having stone mullions. He made 
some alterations in the interior of the house, the fireplace in 
the great hall bearing the date 1656, and his arms and those 
of his wife. 

Edward Wyse was returned as M.P. for Okehampton in 
1659, 1660 and 1661— he was knighted 23rd April, 1661. 
In 1667 he sold the Plymouth estates to Sir William 
Morrice, tradition alleges to pay for the building he had 
carried out at Sydenham — a singularly short-sighted policy 
which his descendants must have never ceased to regret 

5 BulUr Papers, 




(Read at Okehampton, July, 1895.) 

The following is a list of Burials, Baptisms, and Marriages 
in the Barnstaple Parish Register, from the year 1539 up to 
1837 (when the Act for establishing compulsory Registration 
of Births, Deaths, and Marriages was passed) ; and from 
Pilton from the year 1570 to 1829, and from Fremington 
from 1610 to 1829 :— 

Contained in Uie Barnstaple Registry from the year 1539 to 1837. 





Baptisms. Marriages 
in 10 Years 










































































in 10 Years. 



} 65* 


• 2 Years. 







LN 10 YEAB8. 




im 10 Tears. 




• • « 




• • • 




• • • 




• ■ m 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• ■ • 




• • • 




260 # 








• • • 




• • • 




■ • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• •• 




• • • 




• # • 




• • • 




• • • 












• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• ■ • 








• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• ■ • 




• • • 




• • ■ 




• • • 




• ■ • 




• • • 












• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • ■ 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 












• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




■ • • 




• • • 


• • • 




• • • 


• • ■ 




a • « 


• • • 




• • • 


• • • 




• • • 


• « * 




• • • 




• • • 








• • • 




69 § 

■ • • 




■ • • 

iTotal . 




Only 8 Years. t In 95 Years. t In 95 Years. § In 89 Years. 

2 b 2 






in 10 Tears. 




in 10 Tsars. 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• •♦ 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 












• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • ■ 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • # 




• • • 




• • • 




• ■ • 




• • • 












• • • 




• • • 




• ■ • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • ■ 




■ • * 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




■ • 




• * • 












• • • 




• * • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • » 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 












• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• ■ • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• • • 




• ■ • 




• • • 
















• • • 


Total . 











1801 .... 




1802 . 



• • • • • • 

1st Census. 

1803 . 



1804 . 



1805 . 



1806 . 



1807 . 



1808 . 



1809 . 




1810 . 



1811 . 




1812 . 



2nd Census. 

1813 . 



• • • • • 

1814 . 



1815 . 



1816 . 



1817 . 



1818 . 



1819 . 





1820 . 




1821 . 




1822 . 



3rd Census. 

1823 . 



1824 . 



1825 . 



1826 . 



1827 . 



1828 . 



1829 . 




1830 . 



1831 . 




1832 . 



4th Census. 

1833 . 



1834 . 



1835 . 



1886 . 



1837 . 



471 1 


Total . 




9 Years. 

t Only 8 Years. 





















• 179 
































































































































































































* Two years not entered. 

f The Register for 1640-1649 not properly kept No entries for 1641, 
1643, 1644, 1645, 1646, 1647 ; one for 1642 ; eighteen for 1648 ; seventeen 
for 1649. 

t Irregularly kept. 

§ Register imperfectly kept. 

|| Two years wanting. 


For these lists I am indebted to my friend, Mr. T. Wain- 
wright, of the North Devon Athenaeum, who extracted them 
from the Parish Registers. 

The registers of christenings and burials, which had been 
ordered first in 1538, were kept in a number of parishes 
from that date; and from 1558, when the order was renewed 
by Queen Elizabeth, they were generally kept ; and as every 
child was christened in church, under Elizabeth, we may 
take it, we have the births fully recorded (with the doubtful 
exception of still-births and chrisoms). 

The injunction of the King Henry VIII. and his Vice- 
Regent Cromwell, for the keeping of the registers, issued at 
the earlier date (1538), was by no means universally obeyed; 
and further, in some parishes where the register was 
then commenced, the earlier volumes have been lost 

Dr. Brushfield, in his paper, "The Church of All Saints, 
East Budleigh," read at Southmolton, in 1894, gives a short 
account of the history of Parish Registers, and the 
manner in which the recommendations were received by 
the people. 

The Barnstaple Parish Registers are notable as commenc- 
ing from the earliest periods at which Parish Registers were 
instituted (30th Henry VIII., 1538). 

In 1653, births were registered, but not baptisms. 

In 1661, baptisms were registered. 

In 1695, births were again required to be registered, as well 
as baptisms. 

On October 2nd, 1783, the Stamp Tax was commenced, 
levying threepence on every entry in the register. 

In 1794 this Act was repealed. In 1812 a new Act came 
into force for the better regulating and preserving parish and 
other registers of Births, Baptisms, Marriages, and Burials in 

From the year 1539 to 1600, inclusive, a period of sixty- 
two years, the burials registered were 3698 ; the baptisms 
registered (for the fifty-eight years the register of baptisms 
was actually kept) were 4727, and the marriages 1411, 
giving an average of burials 59*64 per annum, of baptisms 
81*5, and of marriages 24*3. 

From the year 1601 to 1700 (for the ninety-five years the 
register was kept) the number of burials was 8460, births 
10,024, and marriages 2604, giving an average of burials 
89, of births 1055, and of marriages 29*2 for the eighty-nine 
years the marriage register is recorded. 

From 1701 to 1800, the number of burials was 8569, 


births 7716, and marriages 3261, giving an average of burials 
8569, births 771 6, and of marriages 32 6. 

From 1801 to 1837, inclusive, the number of burials was 
2963, births 5263, and marriages 1508, giving an average of 
burials 80, births 142*2, and of marriages 407. 

From the year 1539 to 1600 there are six occasions in 
which the number of burials exceeded the baptisms. 

From 1601 to 1700 there are twenty-seven occasions, 
and from 1701 to 1800 there are fitty-four occasions, 
making in all eighty-seven occasions, in which the burials 
exceeded the births or baptisms. 

From 1539 to 1837 the total number of burials was 
23,690, and the number of baptisms 27,730, giving an 
average for the time the register was actually kept (295 
years) of burials 79*96, and of births 94. 

The number of marriages registered in 289 years was 8784, 
giving an average of 30*6 per annum. 

The natural increase ot births or baptisms over that of 
burials for the above-mentioned period is 4040, but from 
the years 1701 to 1800 the increase of burials over births 
is very great, viz., 853, whilst from 1801 to 1837 the 
great increase in the number of births over burials is 
very remarkable, viz., 2300. 

It is impossible to arrive at a correct estimation of the 
population in those days — according to Lord Macaulay, 
" no great State had then adopted the wise course of 
periodically numbering the people" — but, according to 
Gribble, the population of Barnstaple in 1709 was over 
6000. He quotes from an old deed, on the margin of 
which occurs the following passage : " Barnstaple, a large 
town with more than 6000 inhabitants " ; he also states 
that in 1709 there were 576 houses, which, according to our 
present method of estimating, five for every household, would 
give only 2880, but if the same rate of occupiers as in 
1821 would give a population of 3398, or if in the same 
proportion as 1831 would give 3934. 

From 1539 to 1600 there are twenty occasions in which 
the number of deaths exceeded the average, the most notice- 
able being 1546-7 ; and the large number of burials must 
have been due to some pestilence, as the mortality was 
so much above the average, being 102 above the average 
for the preceding seven years, and 90 above the succeeding 
seven years. 

The following table will show the number of burials 
registered in the various months of 1546-7 : — 





January to August 
October . 

. 37 
. 24 
. 64 

January . 
February . 

. 30 
. 20 
. 14 


. 60 

. 30 


May to December 

. 17 
. 38 



The register is silent on the nature of this visitation. 

In the years 1563, 70, 79, '82, '85, and the following four 
years, and in the years 1591, '93, '95, and the following five 
years, the average number of burials was exceeded. 

In 1551, according to Dr. Creighton (in his History of 
Epidemics in Britain) , there was a severe epidemic — "The 
sweating sickness, which was also known under the name of 
Stop Gallant and posting sweat" — and it is probable that it 
was diffused over England in the same way as the influenza. 
He says, were it not for the isolated notices of the sweat in 
Somersetshire and Devonshire, we should have hardly been 
able to realise that country towns and villages had been 
visited by an epidemic which was appalling, both by its 
suddenness and its fatality, while it lasted ; but the number 
of burials in Barnstaple do not appear to have increased 
during this period, so it is probable Barnstaple escaped this 

In 1578, 79, '80, '90, and '91, there was much plague in 

In 1590, Mr. Gribble says : 

" Plague of Pestilence at South Molton and Torrington. Watch- 
men continually employed to prevent suspected folks of the 
plague from coming into the Town. Mr Maior hath taken great 
pains and traveyle to prevent this Towne from infection of the 

The year 1597 was one of great scarcity in more than one 
region in England, and the sickness was very likely famine 

From the years 1601 to 1700, there are thirty-four occa- 
sions in which the number of burials exceeded the average, 
viz., 1604, '20, '21, '22, '24, '27, '32, '33, '35, and four follow- 
ing years, and 1640, '41, '42, 1652, '55, '64, '65, '68, 70, 71, 
75, 78, and four following years, and 1785, '86, '89, '90, '95, 
and '96. 

In 1604 the number of burials reach 123, and 31 of those 
are marked P for plague. In 1629 to 1636 small-pox was 
very prevalent. 



It was in 1646, during the time of the Civil War, followed 
by pestilence, that the following entry was made in the 
parish register: 

"The register of the Towne of Barnstaple was not kept ye 
yeare of Our Lord Anno Domini 1642 until the year 164 7." 

Mr. Cotton, in his Civil War, says : 

" After war, pestilence. The last Royalist Soldier had scarcely 
left Barnstaple when the Plague broke out in the Town and the 
ill-fated inhabitants were overwhelmed by a calamity compared 
with which the worst sufferings of the siege were insignificant" 

We have no record of the time, and locally there is no 
history of the epidemic, and any estimate of the number of 
deaths must be mere guess-work. 

Gribble, in his Memorials of Barnstaple, says that 1500 
died, out of a population of four to five thousand persons. 

This cannot be far from the truth, as in the neighbouring 
parish of Pilton, with about 1000 inhabitants, 290 burials 
were registered. 

For the following extract I am indebted to Mr. T. M. Hall : 

"Burryal Register for Pilton, 1646 (contains a normal list of 
burials with this note). 

" Moreover, there dyed in the Plague and Pestilence this yeare 
the following : 

June . . ... 3 













"Moreover, there died at the Pest House fourteen persons 
whose names are not here inserted." 

This visitation was not peculiar to Barnstaple, nor was it 
the first of its kind; the year 1646 was a plague year of 
exceptional severity; most of the towns in Devonshire 
were infected, and, throughout the summer, the epidemic 
prevailed over the greater part of England. Mr. Cotton 
observes that "it is very strange that a calamity of such 
dimensions as this seems to have been should have left so 
slight a record behind it." 


The effect on the people was very demoralising, and there 
was a general exodus of well-to-do people. 

The Mayor for that year, Mr. Ferris, was elected in the 
open air, in the Marsh, the higher side of Koneybridge, pre- 
sumably to avoid the danger of infection which the assembly 
of persons in the Guildhall would have caused. This was 
owing to the Plague which then raged in the town. 

Although we have no local record, there are several 
medical histories of the disease; and one manuscript con- 
tained in the British Museum, written by Mr. William 
Boghurst, has just been printed, and is one of the best 
descriptions of the disease in existence. 

Dr. Baynard, in his Historical Account of Plagues, observes 
" that during the rage of the distemper, in 1665, there was 
such a calm and serenity of weather, as if the word rain had 
been banished the realm, and for many weeks together he 
could not feel the least breath of wind so much as to stir a 
fan ; the fires were made with difficulty to burn, but full 
abundance of mildew. The very birds would pant for 
breath, especially the larger sort, and were observed to fly 
more heavily than at any other time." 

In 1650 also there was a great fear of the Plague. The 
three houses at the Fort were ordered to be fitted up as pest- 

From the year 1652 to 1695 there were several occasions 
in which the number of burials greatly exceeded the average, 
but there is no record as to the cause of death. 

Throughout the sixteenth century the Plague was a per- 
manent form of disease on the Continent of Europe, and 
during the first two-thirds of the seventeenth century we 
still meet with it over a wide area, and equally often. 

But in the last thirty years of that century the Plague 
Was observed to be retiring gradually from the soil of Europe. 

England was visited by the Plague for the last time in 

In 1657 to 1659 the epidemic was influenza; the spring 
and summer was exceedingly dry and hot. 

In 1720 to 1726 there is also a decided increase in the 
number of burials, and again in 1733 and '34 during these 
years there was an epidemic described by Dr. Huxham, of 
Mymouth, and called by him a certain " Auginose Fever," 
which prevailed in Devon and Cornwall. 

In 1741 and '42 small-pox and typhus fever raged in 
Devonshire, and will probably account for the great increase 
in the burials in these years. 


In 1775 influenza prevailed in the West of England. Dr. 
Creighton, speaking of the epidemic of 1782, says : — 

" The most curious fact in its history comes from North Devon. 
It was prevailing in Barnstaple at the usual time — the month of 
June — hut the neighbouring town of Torrington was not then 
infected, by its having previously gone through the epidemic, it is 
said, from a date as early as the 24th March." 

In 1796 scarlet fever prevailed throughout England. 

There is an increase in burials in several succeeding years, 
but nothing remarkable until we come to the years 1833— 

The cholera visited England in 1832, but there is no 
account of it in the town. There is no copy of the North 
Devon Journal for 1833 in the British Museum, and many 
of the earlier copies of this paper, belonging to the office, 
were destroyed a few years ago. 

The North Devon Journal of 1832 does not say anything 
about the cholera in Barnstaple, but gives an account of 
the disease in Sunderland, &c, in that year. 

In 1832, when the cholera was so prevalent in England, 
and was so fatal in Exeter, a Board of Health was established 
at Pilton. I have the minutes of this Board, which contain 
an account of the arrangements for hospital isolation, the 
removal of patients, and the necessary nursing; also the 
lists of subscription and expenditure. To the satisfaction 
of the Committee, although their arrangements were com- 
plete, no necessity occurred for the use of the accommodation 

The great increase in 1833 may be due to epidemic 
influenza, which showed itself in the spring of that year, 
and was very general. 

In 1801 the first census was taken, and the population 
estimated at 3748. During this year there were eighty-two 
burials, giving for the year a death-rate of 22*14 per 1000 ; 
and eighty-six births registered, giving a birth-rate of 22-9 
per 1000. 

In 1811 the second census was taken. The population was 
4019, the burials fifty-three, giving a death-rate of 13*18 ; 
the births eighty-seven, giving a birth-rate of 21*16. 

In 1821 the third census was taken, giving a population 
of 5079, with 799 houses. The number of burials was 
sixty-three, giving a death-rate of 12*4. The births 138, 
giving a birth-rate of 27*15. 

In 1831 the fourth census gave a population of 6840. 
The number of burials was ninety-seven, giving a death-rate 


of 1418. The births were 172, giving a birth-rate of 25-17 
with about 1000 houses, being an addition of 420 houses 
since 1709. 

Judging from these figures alone — and we have virtually 
no other guide — either the population of Barnstaple must 
have been singularly fluctuating and migratory, or it must at 
certain periods, and that not infrequently, been more than 
decimated by plague and pestilence. As already stated, 
Gribble, from a writing on an old deed, gave the population 
in 1709 at 6000. This cannot be the case, arguing even 
apart from the negative evidence afforded by the number of 
houses. In 1801 the population was 3748, the births being 
in ten years inclusive from 1801-10 1004, the burials 657. 

But going back to 1601-10 inclusive, we find baptisms 
1096, and the burials 773^ this testifies clearly that the 
population probably then approximated to 4500. The 
marriages then stand at 325, a higher figure than ever before. 
From 1701-10 inclusive the deaths numbered 833, and the 
baptisms only 756, which brings the population to that indi- 
cated by the number of houses, viz., 2880. 

The decadence of population in Barnstaple seems to have 
occurred in the last quarter of the seventeenth and the 
earlier quarters of the eighteenth century. If we take the 
last ten years of the sixteenth century, we have, burials, 
872 ; baptisms, 1014 ; in the last two lustres of the seven- 
teenth century, 804 burials, and 825 baptisms ; and in the 
last decade of the eighteenth, 790 burials and 983 baptisms, 
the tide having begun to turn about two years previously, 
after ebbing to its lowest. 

In noticing the burials and baptisms of the Pilton Regis- 
ter, we find the number of burials for the end of the 
seventeenth, and the first seventy or eighty years of the 
eighteenth century, considerably exceed the number of 
births; this coincides with the number of the Barnstaple 
Register. But the Fremington Register, with one or two 
exceptions in the latter part of the seventeenth and the 
early part of the eighteenth century, does not show such 

In 1837 the Act for establishing compulsory Registration 
of Births, Deaths, and Marriages was passed, and, according 
to Dr. Longstaff, the first year we have a complete record is 
in 1838, but this is far from complete as far as births are 


BY R. N. WORTH, P. 0.8. 
(Read at Okehampton, July, 1895.) 

The appearance in the last volume of the Transactions of the 
Devonshire Association of three Domesday papers by the Eev. 
0. J. Keichel, one in effect a criticism of my " Identifications 
of the Domesday Manors of Devon/ 1 compels some comments 
from myself. It is perfectly true that it could hardly be 
gathered from Mr. Reichel's " Suggestions to aid in Identify- 
ing the Place-names in the Devonshire Domesday/ 1 that I 
had published a list of identifications at all, and that the 
only references to myself are passing and casual Still, it is 
inevitable that the two papers should be in some sort read 
together by our fellow-members ; and as the most important 
phase of this question is accuracy, quite apart from any 
personal relations to the subject of Mr. Eeichel or myself, 
comment on my part seems imperative. 

It was my sense of the supreme importance of accuracy, 
and of the desirability of leaving no stone unturned to secure 
that end, that led me to incur the trouble and expense 
of sending my proposed identifications to every member nine 
months before I sent in my paper; and it seems to me a 
matter much to be regretted, if any information tending to 
secure that accuracy, and to enhance the value of the list 
and of our Transactions, should have been withheld. Be that 
as it may, my duty now is clear — without delay, to give what 
aid I can in the further solution of these debated Domesday 

My remarks will be almost wholly confined to Mr. 
Reichel's longer paper, in which the point raised in that on 
the " Hundred of Hartland in the Geld Koll," is already fully 
dealt with. His remarks on the Leuca or Lug of Domesday 
do not, I think, need any further comment than simple 


reference to the fact, that, so far back as 1885, the late Mr. 
J. B. Davidson published his reasons for assessing the areal 
leuca at 120 acres, which is precisely Mr. Beichel's 

The greater part of the paper on Domesday Place-names 
consists of a very full discussion of the various aids to 
identification. Upon two of those only have I anything to 
say ; but that, with one exception, all were before me when 
I compiled my list, the following extract from my intro- 
duction to that list will prove. That I did not allow my 
scaffolding to remain when the building was completed was 
a mere matter of detail, and due in the main to my desire 
not to trespass unduly on the means of the Association. 
What I said then, in brief, was this : 

" Where the name of a Domesday manor is distinctive and 
continuous, all is of course clear ; and this is the case, so far 
as Devon is concerned, in the majority of instances. Beyond 
this, identification is chiefly helped by the fact that the 
entries commonly follow a rough-grouped or topographical 
order, based mainly upon the Hundreds — a point which does 
not seem to have had the attention its importance demands. 
It is when this fails that the main difficulties arise. Locali- 
ties are, however, often suggested by the occurrence of 
fisheries or saltworks or of other special features. Belative 
areas are also of importance : but the large increase in the 
number of manors since Domesday by sub-division; with 
the non-inclusion of waste in the Domesday assessment; 
the vagueness of the terms as used ; and the not infrequent 
shifting of boundaries, render it needful that areal deductions 
should be most cautiously made. Some help is to be had 
from the Hundred Lists; some from the secondary names 
attached for distinction to sundry manors, indicating situation 
or ownership. At times the name of the Saxon holder has 
supplied a valuable clue. A point to be carefully borne in 
mind, is the fact that names are quite as likely to change in 
the direction of modern forms as away from the old ones, and 
that a current resemblance may after all be wholly fictitious. 
Still more important, however, in this connection is it to 
remember that the Domesday scribes attached their own 
phonetic values to the alphabetical characters they used, and 
that traces of both Norman and Italian hands are manifest." 

The one source to which I must confess I never did look, 
and never should have thought of looking, for aid, is the 
comparison which Mr. Beichel endeavours to draw as to the 


relative values of estates from the figures given in Domesday, 
and the present poor-rate assessments — valuations notoriously 
made upon bases which differ quite fifty per cent., not only 
in the same county, but at times in adjacent parishes, and 
which cannot be taken as any real test of land- values in the 
gross, seeing that they include houses and other buildings, 
which it is impossible to distinguish without a minute and 
detailed examination in every instance. 

The central feature of Mr. Eeichel's paper is, however, his 
assumption of the supreme importance of the Geld Inquest, 
as an aid to identification. He lays it down as a canon, that 
the treatment applied by him to Hartland Hundred " must 
be accorded to all the Hundreds of Devon before we can be 
certain that our identifications of the Domesday Place-names 
are correct." 

Now, the particulars of the Hundreds given in the Geld 
Inquest are particulars of persons, not of places — a simple 
statement of the hidage in each Hundred, and its liability to 
geld. The only way of connecting these entries with the 
places named in Domesday, is through the owners, and the 
assessment or non-assessment of their holdings. If an owner 
has two estates or manors in demesne, each given at one 
hide, or four at half a hide a piece, and he is set down as 
holding a geld -free hide in each of two Hundreds, it is 
utterly impossible, on the evidence of the Geld Inquest only, 
to say which is which, or where either is situated. At the 
best, therefore, the aid to identification here rendered, is 
indirect and collateral. 

But we do not get it at the best. There would be much 
more to be said in favour of Mr. Reichers method if we could 
only be sure of three or four things, that, as a matter of fact, 
are more than seriously in doubt. What he says in effect is 
this. The Geld Inquest shows the taxable distribution 
of the various holdings in the county when Domesday was 
compiled. There is a list given by Risdon which gives the 
names of the different members of the Hundreds. Domesday 
identifications, to be accurate, must bring the two into 
harmony. You must connect the properties of the one with 
the persons of the other, or your work will not stand. 

And no doubt this would be a perfectly fair method, 
certain premises being granted. If the Geld Inquest is 
absolutely accurate, is precisely of the same date as the 
Domesday record, and represents exactly the same state 
of things. If also there has been no change in the Hundreds 


between the compilation of the Geld Inquest and that of the 
list in Sisdon. The smallest variation, and the whole value 
of the Geld Inquest as an absolute and final court of appeal, 
disappears. Now it is admitted on all hands that the Geld 
Inquest and the Domesday Eecord are not absolutely con- 
temporaneous — the Inquest being earlier, and dating from 
1084 — and it is impossible, therefore, in a widespread county 
like Devon, that some shiftings of ownership should not have 
occurred For the rest, Mr. Keichel himself admits dis- 
crepancy between the old and modern Hundreds, though not 
to any great extent, and especially when compared with 
those that have taken place in counties like Berkshire. It is, 
however, rather a truism than a paradox, to suggest that the 
greatest changes are often those which have left least evidence 
behind; and it is well, therefore, to examine what grounds 
there are for Mr. Keichel's belief; and what is the real 
weight to be attached to the rule which Mr. Keichel believes 
will commend itself to all — that no "identification of the 
Domesday Place-names can be considered satisfactory which 
does not account for each and all of the contributories to the 
Hundreds, as they have come down to us by tradition." l 

And may I say at once that this is no new inquiry with 
me. Thirteen years since, I dealt with the help to be drawn 
from the Geld Inquest in the identification of Domesday 
Place-names, in my second Presidential address to the 
members of the Plymouth Institution, and reviewed the 
question at some length, as may be seen by reference to the 
Transactions of that Society. 

I then pointed out that a Hundred was a numerical term 
defining a unit of local government, depending originally 
upon population (in what precise form is not material now), 
and that when it was a living thing its area fluctuated with 
the population, just as in some countries electoral districts 
do at the present day. My conclusion then was precisely 
the same as my conclusion now, that so far from the changes 
in the Hundreds being slight, they were both many and great. 

Three lists of the Hundreds of Devon are given in 
Domesday. Two are mere enumerations of names. The 

1 Touching the accuracy of the Inquest within its own four corners, 
it will suffice to indicate that the details and the totals are discrepant in 
the Hundreds of Tawton, Bampton, Carswell, Plympton, Wonford, and 
Fremington, in quantities varying from a hide to a ferling — quite enough to 
mislead in many points ; and that the possessions of the Abbot of Tavistock 
in Tavistock- are left out altogether. It is absurd to supfwse that this is the 
only slip of the kind. 



third is that general summary of the lords and contents of 
each Hundred, and of its taxation, already referred to as the 
Geld Inquest. The first is clearly the oldest, and differs 
materially from the other two, which are all but identical. 
That of the Inquest is presumably the latest, and yet it does 
not agree so nearly, as far as names go, with the Hundreds of 
the present day, which in certain features follow in preference 
either the first or second. Probably, in some cases, duplicate 
names were current ; and it may well have been, seeing that 
the Hundreds were named after the places where the Hundred 
Courts were held, that in some large Hundreds there were 
two Court seats, used alternately, as in some shires alternative 
Assize and Sessions towns. The Hundred Rolls — of which 
more hereafter — show, however, that the names of the 
Devon Hundreds have remained practically unchanged since 
the reign of Edward I., and in any case we are less con- 
cerned with the names than with the areas they represent. 

The table opposite sets forth the three Domesday lists; 
the hidage and taxation, as given in the Geld Inquest ; the 
modern names; the number of contributing members in 
each Hundred, as given in the list in Eisdon (the second 
figure in each case being the number of sub-members 
additional), and the amount which each Hundred had been 
set to pay to the tenth and fifteenth, or subsidy — a sum 
which certainly did not vary in amount or relative pro- 
portions from the early part of the fourteenth century, and 
was as definite a fiscal unit as the Danegeld had become by 
the Conquest. These figures are worthy of note, for without 
pressing the comparison too hard, it is evident that if there 
had been no serious changes either of area or value, the 
Hundred taxation of 1086 should bear some recognizable 
relation to that of 1334. It is quite clear, however, as will 
be shown hereafter, that the list in Bisdon is anything but 
trustworthy or complete. 

In each of the three Domesday lists we may trace some- 
thing of a definite topographical arrangement, though B is 
more consecutive than A, and C than B. The order of A is 
shown in the table. C begins with Lifton, passing thence 
to Herteland, Toritone, Framintone, and Mertone — West 
Devon. Then we have Brantone, Scireuelle, Sut-Moltone, 
Chridiatone, Tauuentone, and Witric — North Devon. Next 
come Tuuuertone, Clistone, Sulfertone, Hamiohc, Offecolum, 
Budeleie, Hasbtone, Otri, Axeminstre, Culintone, Axemuda 
and Badentone — East Devon, though not in such direct 
order. Lastly there are Esseministre, Taintone, Carsewilla, 





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Dippeforde, Cadelintone, Plintone, Walchentone, Allerige, 
and Wenfort — Mid and South Devon. As I said in 1882 : 
" It is impossible that such an arrangement can be accidental; 
and if we look at the map of Devon, we shall see that it is 
really governed by the physical conditions of the county. 
The first group covers the district west of the Tavy and the 
Taw ; the second, that bounded by the Taw on the west, the 
Creedy and Exe on the east, and Dartmoor on the south ; 
the third lies mainly east of the Exe ; and the fourth, starting 
from the Tavy, follows round the flank of Dartmoor, and is 
bounded by the sea and the Exe south and east. The only 
point where there is any real absence of natural definition 
is in the vicinity of Exeter and Grediton ; and this is 
precisely the neighbourhood in which there have been the 
greatest changes in the dispositions of the Hundreds/' 

This matter is worth looking into a little more in detail. 
The Hundred of Black Torrington now interposes between 
Lifton and Hartland Hundreds; but there is a detached 
part of Hartland Hundred lying in Fremington — the parish 
of Yarnscombe ; and it seems clear, therefore, that the area 
of Hartland was once more extensive than we know it ; and 
that Black Torrington most probably grew at the cost of its 
neighbour or neighbours. 

The next group is about as consecutive as well can be; 
but here we get evidence of a change or changes, in the 
appearance of a detached part of Braunton Hundred in the 
midst of South Molton, including the parishes of East and 
West Buckland and Filleigh. 

The East Devon group is less regularly enumerated, yet 
there are not wanting indications that the irregularity may 
to some extent be more in present appearance than in 
ancient fact. Tiverton, Cliston, and Silverton (Hayridge) 
lie together ; and that Cliston was once more extensive, the 
existence of its Butterleigh outlier in Hayridge shows. 
Hemyock and Uffculme are one ; and if they do not touch 
East Budleigh now, there are the remains of the old con- 
nection still extant in the fact that Washfield, while lying 
topographically in the Hundred of Tiverton, is still attached 
to West Budleigh, while Halberton adjoins as a matter of 
course. The only real departure from a consecutive order 
in this group is the neglect to name Bampton after Hal- 
berton, and the insertion of Ottery, Axminster, Colyton, and 
Axmouth between. But, as Pole shows, Ashford in Burles- 
combe, Bampton Hundred, belongs to Halberton; and we 
note other evidence of change in the presence of a fragment 


of Dorset between Axminster and Colyton Hundreds, with 
per contra the establishment of a part of Axminster Hundred 
— the parish of Thorncombe — in Dorset I may add, for 
further comment hereafter, that the two Budleigh Hundreds 
— once one — are now separated by a spur of Wonford. 

The last group is remarkably consecutive, but for one 
interpolation. Exminster, Teignbridge, Heytor (Carswell), 
Coleridge and Stanborough (Dippesforde), Plympton, and 
Boborough (Walchentone), follow each other with absolute 
accuracy, save for the insertion of Caedlintone between 
Dippesforde and Plintona ; and so do Hayridge and Wonford. 
We cannot tell how far Caedlintone Hundred extended 
southward ; but all that is needed to bring it into line with 
the rest of the group is its transposition after Walchentone. 
I was, indeed, disposed to identify it, in 1882, with the 
district of which Cadleigh forms the centre, when the con- 
nection with Hayridge would be clear enough. Herein, 
however, I was wrong ; and further survey has set me right 
Caedlintone is Chittlehampton — a large and important 
manor belonging to Gytha, and therefore a very natural 

And incidentally I may here remark that Mr. Beichel's 
rule, if a good one, ought to work both ways. If we are 
to reason from the Hundred to its components, we ought 
to be able to reason from the components to the Hundred. 
If, however, the attempt be made to identify Caedlintone 
in that way, the result will be utter failure. The Geld 
Inquest mentions as holders of land in this Hundred, Oliver 
tinder Baldwin, Eobert Fitz Gervin under Baldwin, and 
Godeva. Now, reference to Domesday will show that there 
is no Oliver holding under Baldwin at all. Nor is there 
mention of Robert Fitz Gervin. There are undistinguished 
Boberts holding under Baldwin, besides Roberts de Bello 
Mont and Pontecardonis ; but it is a hopeless task — the 
endeavour to make up out of their holdings, the three hides 
which Fitz Gervin is said to hold in demesne. All we can 
say is that most of these Robertian tenures are in the north 
of the county, and so far may be held to favour the Chittle- 
hampton theory. But Godeva is wholly irreconcilable. 
Her two manors are Torre (Mohun) and Dodbrook; but 
instead of holding one hide only in demesne in either or 
both (the Geld Inquest figure), she has a hide and four 
ploughlands in each. Here we are at once confronted with 
inaccuracy or change ; though a third cause of variation may 
be suggested by the fact that we actually find Robert Fitz 


Pagan paying in Wonford for a hide in another Hundred 
which would be bound to upset other calculations. 

These lists, then, I think show clearly that although the 
bulk of the Domesday Hundreds may have been much the 
same as now, there L many important variations-quite 
too important to allow of the Qeld Inquest being taken 
ex cathedra on a question of obscure Domesday identification. 

Merton is now represented by Shebbear, and Winkleigh 
may have been carved out of either it or North Tawton ; 
or, for what we know to the contrary, Caedlintone. 

Dippesforde and Hermtone must be taken together; only 
as the latter does not appear in list C, it must be included 
under one of the adjoining Hundreds, i.e. either Dippesforde 
or Plympton. We find, however, that Diptford, where the 
Hundred Court was held, is fairly central for the three 
modern Hundreds of Ermington, Stanborough, and Coleridge. 
It is certainly represented by the two latter, and in all 
probability included also the greater part of Ermington, 
Plympton taking the rest up to the Erme. I have suggested 
elsewhere that the reason for the disappearance of Ermington 
may have been the depopulation caused by descents from 
the sea. 

Heytor Hundred we find under the name of Carswell ; 
and here we are confronted by the noteworthy fact that the 
Hundred really consists of two detached parts, which may 
be called the Carswell and the Heytor sections, and which 
are divided by a piece of Wonford. Moreover, Heytor, 
whence the Hundred is now named, is not within the 
Hundred at all! Domesday does afford evidence of some 
connection between the two sections, in the mention of 
Deptone after Cockington — Deptone being Deandon, in 
Widecombe-on-the-Moor, and an appendage to Cockington 
to the present day ; but that is not sufficient evidence that 
the Hundred was the same then as now. Indeed, some 
very special cause must have been at work to give the name 
of a Dartmoor height to a district on the shores of Torbay ; 
and the fact that Heytor, if it ever was within the Hundred, 
is so no longer, seems to point to a series of changes, rather 
than one. 

Wonford is a very remarkable Hundred, and I am not 
disposed to go back on a suggestion made in the address 
already quoted, that it may have once occupied what are 
now Teignbridge and Heytor Hundreds as well as its present 
limits. It has the most remarkable configuration of any 
Hundred in the county — stretching west from Exeter, right 


away to South Tawton, circling round the city east to 
Topshara, sending a spur north dividing the two Budleighs, 
sweeping round the northern flank of Dartmoor, by Throw- 
leigh, Chagford, and Drewsteignton, and claiming two 
detached portions south of the Teign, one comprising the 
Ogwells, and the other Coombe and Stoke-in-Teignhead and 
Shaldon. It is quite impossible, on any reasonable sup- 
position, that sue* a unit Vf local government could be of 
original design ; and when we compare the figures given in 
Risdon for the tenth and fifteenth with those set forth in 
the Geld Inquest for the Danegeld, we shall find very 
strong, corroborative evidence for this suggestion of limita- 
tion. But on that head more anon. 

The chief differences between the ancient and modern 
Hundreds, more directly apparent, are in East Devon. Two 
Hundreds which appear in A — Clauueton (with Badentone) 
and Hertesberie — are not found in B and C, and have not 
re-appeared since. Axemuda, in all three, is also gone, with 
Sulfertone (A and C), and Offeculm (B and C). West Budleigh 
has been added. Thus we find that while in list A East 
Devon is comprised in ten Hundreds, in list C it is divided 
into thirteen — an absolute proof, seeing that the Hundred 
was then a living thing, that in the interval between the 
two there had been a considerable increase of population, 
the density of which may further be gathered from the fact 
that Axemuda, Offeculm, and Hasbertone were the three least 
in area in the county, Budleigh on the other hand being, 
with Wonford, the biggest. It looks as if the Hundred 
system had been gradually established in Devon by an 
advance from the east, and that there were at least two 
periods when the whole sweep of the encroaching frontier, 
with its necessarily sparse Saxon population, formed a 
Hundred — first Budleigh, then Wonford, to be divided and 
limited as time went on and the constituencies — to adopt a 
modern term— increased. 

Clauueton is of course Clayhidon; and here again we 
find change in the fact that while it is grouped with Bampton 
in list A, it disappears from B and C, while instead of being 
in Bampton Hundred now, the parish is in that of Hemyock. 

Sherwill and Braunton are kept separate by name in all 
three lists; but the details in the Geld Inquest are given 
for both together, so that there is no Domesday possibility 
of distinguishing the holdings in either. 

And there is another crux in connection with the Hundreds 
of Lifton and Tavistock. The latter, which is not found in 


Domesday, was evidently carved out of Lifton ; and indeed 
a part of Lifton — Sydenham and Lamerton — is islanded in 
Tavistock. But there is no mention of the Abbot of 
Tavistock in the Geld Inquest under Lifton, nor indeed in 
the next Hundred — Walchentone, now Koborough. 

It seems to me, therefore, that the Domesday record yields 
abundant proof that in the reign of the Conqueror, the 
Hundred system of Devon was in a constant state of flux 
and reflux; and that as the Hundred remained a living 
unit of local government long years afterwards, it would 
be against analogy and common sense to suppose that 
changes — and important changes — came to an end at this 
particular time ; even if we were not able to lay our hands 
upon positive evidence to the contrary. 

When I first made this topic a matter of enquiry, I tried 
to see what light might be got from a comparison of the 
ancient ecclesiastical divisions of the county with the ancient 
civil — that is, of the Deaneries with the Hundreds. We 
know, of course, that to a wide extent the older parochial 
arrangement reflects the manorial, and that parishes are very 
commonly manors or groups of manors ; and it seemed a 
reasonable thing, therefore, to enquire whether there was 
not in like manner some relationship between the Deanery 
and the Hundred, at any rate in Devon. It not only 
appeared that such a correspondence did exist, but singularly 
enough that it was most clearly seen in connection with 
presumably the oldest list — A. 

Thus the deanery of Tavistock is the old Hundred of 
Lifton, or the modern Hundreds of Tavistock and Lifton, with 
a fringe cut off to the north and east, more convenient of 
access from Okehampton, and joined thereto. Okehampton 
Deanery takes, however, most of its parishes from Torrington, 
and Holsworthy Deanery is wholly so formed. Hartland 
Deanery includes — and this is very noteworthy — not only 
the whole of the present Hartland Hundred, but the northern 
portion of Shebbear, over which the Yarnscomb outlier has 
already given us reason to believe this Hundred formerly 
extended. Torrington Deanery in the main represents 
Merton Hundred. Sherwill Deanery is another significant 
factor, for it includes, just as the Geld Inquest, both the 
Hundreds of Sherwill and Braunton, except Barnstaple, 
Pilton, and Filleigh, which are taken by Barnstaple itself, 
thus partly carved out of both. Chumleigh Deanery is 
chiefly North Tawton Hundred. South Molton includes 


parts of its own Hundred and that of Witheridge. Cadbury 
is mainly West Budleigh Hundred, with the bulk of Crediton 
added. Tiverton Deanery swallows the Hundreds of 
Tiverton, Bampton, and Halberton. The other deaneries in 
East Devon, as we should expect to find from the changes in 
the Hundreds, are very much mixed. Dunkeswell includes 
parts of Hemyock and Axminster, and may fairly represent 
the lost Hertesberie. Honiton is chiefly Axminster, with 
Axmouth and part of Colyton. Plymtree Deanery is chiefly 
Hayridge, and may most nearly represent the ancient Silver- 
ton. Aylesbeare Deanery takes in East Budleigh and 
Ottery, the bulk of Cliston, and a little of Wonford. Kenn 
is mainly Exminster, with portions of Wonford ; while 
Durnford is mostly Wonford, with a portion of Exminster. 
Moreton Deanery closely corresponds with Teignbridge 
Hundred. Ipplepen is Haytor Hundred, with the South 
Teign parishes of Wonford added. In fact, of all the Hun- 
dreds, Wonford is the most parcelled, and the only one 
which does not retain a fair amount of individuality. 
Totnes and Woodleigh Deaneries correspond in the main 
with Stanborough and Coleridge Hundreds, but the extension 
of the latter westward into the Hundred of Ermington seems 
to indicate a close reflection of the ancient Dippesforde, es- 
pecially as the whole of the rest of Ermington Hundred is 
included with that of Plympton in the Plympton Deanery. 
The Deanery of Tamerton represents the Hundred of 
Boborough, minus the Three Towns, which no doubt went 
to Plympton Deanery (ere they were recently erected into a 
deanery of their own), in consequence of the proprietorial 
rights exercised by Plympton Priory. 

Of course, it is not contended that the Deaneries have been 
free from change, any more than the Hundreds. All that is 
suggested is this : — That the Deaneries do indicate a close 
and unmistakable connection with the Hundreds, in their 
earlier rather than their later stage, and that they have 
retained their original characters more closely, in accordance 
with the more conservative instincts of matters ecclesiastical. 

At bottom, however, the existing divisions of the Deaneries 
are based upon parochial lines, while those of the Hundreds 
are founded on manorial. 

Let us now see what deductions, if any, can be drawn 
from the comparison of the Domesday geld of the various 
Hundreds, with the subsidy contributions given in Bisdon 
under the same names. We cannot hope for very exact 


results, nor, where towns are concerned, is it possible to 
deduce data that can be regarded as approximately trust- 
worthy. But if areas of the same class remain fairly 
unchanged, and subject to the same general conditions, their 
financial positions in 1084 or 1086, and in 1334, when the 
tenth and fifteenth had become a fixed levy, ought to be 
reasonably proportionate. 

We find, then, on examination, that Hartland, Merton, 
Teignbridge, Plympton, Tiverton, Crediton, and Colyton, 
shew on the average a five-fold increase ; that Hayridge, 
Haytor, Exminster, North Tawton, Winkleigh, Witheridge, 
and Ottery give between three and four-fold ; that in Black 
Torrington the increase is six -fold. And as this deals 
with something like half the total, these conclusions will, 
I think, give us some figures on which we may fairly 

Hence, it would seem likely that Wonford, which had only 
risen from £6 15s. to £13 7s. 8d. — not two-fold — had 
suffered serious limitations, a conclusion to which we have 
already been led by other considerations ; and that Bampton, 
with its £4 16s. 4d. and £12 5s. 3d. ; Axminster, with its 
£11 7s. 5d. and £20; Halberton, with its £3 18s. and 
£7 5s. 2d.; and Hemyock, with its £7 0s. 4d. and 
£10 lis. 4d. were in a similar plight. 

On the other hand, the tenfold advance of Fremington 
from £2 14s. 6d. to £24 6s. may probably be set down to the 
prosperity of Torrington; as the still greater advance of 
Roborough, from £4 16s. to £48 2s. 2d., is undoubtedly 
due to the growth of Plymouth, especially as the list for the 
Hundred in Eisdon is seriously imperfect. 

But there must have been other causes at work for 
the enormous increase of South Molton, from £2 8s. 7d. 
to £36 14s. 6d. ; and that there are very good grounds 
for ascribing this to the addition of Csedelintone, is apparent 
when we add the gelds of these two Hundreds together, 
the joint £8 Is. 3d. bearing to this £36 14s. 6d., precisely 
what we have been led to regard as the normal relations 
between the two periods. 

Sherwill and Braunton gelded together at £8 10s., and 
their joint subsidy quota is £71 18s. 9d. This, of course, 
is largely in excess of the relative proportions indicated, and 
it may point to some enlargement. The more reasonable 
explanation, however, is the fact that the quota of Barnstaple 
alone was £18 14s., the deduction of which brings the 
case practically within the sixfold margin. 


The case of East and West Budleigh points directly to the 
limitations suggested by the map. The Domesday geld 
of £12 5s. 5d. should be at least £60 in the subsidy, whereas 
that is but £37 Is. Besides, so extensive a Hundred, in such 
a flourishing part of the county, had exceptional chances 
of progress. The probability is that something like a half of 
the ancient Budleigh must now be sought for under other 

This conclusion is strengthened by the fact that Silverton, 
now partly represented by Hayridge, gelded at £10 6s. 6d., 
while Hayridge, gelding at £6 7s. 6d. only, advanced to 
£22 14s. lOd. The deficient proportions for Budleigh and 
Silverton are, however, so nearly balanced by the require- 
ments of most of the other East Devon Hundreds, as to 
furnish additional proof that this quarter of the county 
has been specially fruitful in Hundred changes. 

The case of the Hundred of Dippesforde is at first sight 
very remarkable. It gelded at £7 12s., which we may 
put as representing a normal subsidy taxation of some £40. 
We find, however, Coleridge taxed at £56 16s. 5d. and 
Stanborough at £43 9s. 6d., and undoubtedly something 
ought to be added for the £46 lis. lid. of Ermington, 
though part went to Plympton. We shall not, in all proba- 
bility, be very far wrong if we put the subsidy quota of 
ancient Dippesforde at £100 more than the proportional £40. 
Some of this may have been appropriated by the Coleridge 
section from Haytor, where the proportionate advance is 
below what we have taken as the normal ; and far-reaching 
Wonford, too, may have been a sufferer. But they would 
not suffice. It is quite evident also that allowance has to be 
made for the wealth of some of the members of these 
Hundreds. Thus, Dartmouth in Coleridge was assessed to the 
subsidy in £11 2s., Harberton and Stokenham, £5 14s. Id. 
and £5 3s. 4d., respectively, and Totnes, £8 7s. — together 
£30 6s. 5d. Still it is impossible to bring this particular 
instance within even exceptional limits ; and I am forced to 
the conclusion that not only are we to allow for change 
of area between what was Dippesforde with the adjacent 
Hundreds, and for the exceptional town growth of Coleridge, 
but that a portion of the South Hams area cannot be brought 
into the calculations; and that much of the ancient Hundred 
of Ermington is not represented in any collective form in 
the Geld Inquest at all — that somehow or other it has 
disappeared, in fact as well as in name. 



It may have been observed that I have not spoken, as Mr. 
Reichel has done, of the list in Eisdon as Risdon's list Mr. 
Reichel, indeed, says without limitation of any sort* " Risdon, 
in his Survey of Devon, gives a list of the Hundreds as they 
existed in Edward III.'s time, and the places contributory to 
each Hundred." 

That, however, is a point on which I am by no means 
clear. The list, such as it is, appears in the last edition 
of Risdon ; but it does not appear in some, at any rate, 
of the MS. copies of the Survey. It makes no claim to 
be Risdon's; it has no date attached, and it is obviously 
inaccurate. I at first thought it might have been com- 
piled from the Hundred Rolls of the early years of Edward 
I. ; but I soon found that this could not have been the 
case; and I am quite at a loss myself to suggest its 
source. I can, however, do what is more important — test 
the value of this second term in Mr. Reichel's argument. 

Risdon's Survey was written early in the seventeenth cen- 
tury. Before Risdon, however, came Sir William Pole, whose 
Collections (from which Risdon derived much help) contain a 
much more detailed genealogical and topographical place and 
personal view of the county, classed under the several Hun- 
dreds. It would take up too much space to make a complete 
comparison, but I give the results for several Hundreds in 
every part of the county, taken at random, showing the 
distribution in Pole, about the year 1600-20 — (the fullest 
and most accurate old Hundred list we have), as compared 
with the list in Risdon. 



and Axmouth 














Maimbury Menibury 



Hundreds de 







and Axmouth 


West Waters 














Buckland Trill 


Hundreds de 









Buckland Prior 


Downe Raph 


Comb Pyne 




i cum Downe 
















Blancombe (?) 


Ottery Mohun 





Coliton Hundred. 

Hundreds de 

Coliton Hundred. 

Hundreds de 


Colli ton 







Tudhay or 








Yard by ry 


















Hedhayn or 

Sutton Lucy 






Sea ton 








Egge or Edge 













Halberton Hun- 

Hundreds de 

Halberton Hun- 

Hundreds de 








Ash Thomas 


Soure Apeldore 

South Appledore 






Selake Manley 













Lynor Abbott 




Legh Boty 









Crediton Hun- 

Hundreds de 

Crediton Hun- 

Hundreds de 





Bp Morchard 




Camfee E. Town 

Yewton Aron- 
















Dod ridge 





Comb Lancelles 





Rise Arundle 


Rigbisshops (?) 






Hundreds de 


Hundreds de 











Aveton Giffard 

Authton Gifford 




Langford Lestre 

Longford de lease 



Newton Ferrers 

Newton Ferrers 



Woodland (Ug.) 







Fleete Damerell 

Flete Damerell 

Woodland (Erm) 
























Little Modbiry 






Legh Durant 


Esse Abbes 














Hartland Hun- 



Aimers ton 
Little Ernscomb 


Hundreds de 

Stoke St. Nectan 








Sherwell Hun- 

Kerne Welton 

Heanton Foryn 
Stoke Rivers 
Higb Bray 
Over Lokeshore 
Nither Loke- 


Hundreds de 














Lifton Hundred. 





South Sidenham 



Mary Stowe 


















Hundreds de 

Lifton Hundred. 

Hundreds de 














N. Sidenbam 





N. Pederwyn 

Lew Trenchard 

Brad wood Wiger 



German's weeke 








Mary Tavy 








Hundreds de 


Hundreds de 






Burg de Ply- 

God Mewy 


Huge Mewy 

Est Stannous 


West Stonhous 


Stoke Danierell 

Stoke Damerell 


Egge Buckland 


North Buckland 

North Buckland 







Weston Peverell 

Weston Peverell 


Stc Budocks 

St Buddox 



Tamerton Fol- 



White Church 



Beere Ferrers 

Tavy Folliot* 






Mary Tavy 


Peters Tavy 

Peters Tavy 




Colridge cum 


The plain fact now comes out that this presumed Hundred 
List in RisdoD, whether it belong to him or not, is no 
Hundred List at all ; but simply what it professes to be, a 
memorandum of the tenth and fifteenth assessments in 
Devon arranged under Hundreds, and very imperfect at that. 
The heading is perfectly clear: "Memorand. xv. Devon in 
Decimis subsequent et Patet." 

The most casual glance will show, from the examples 
given, that Pole is not merely much fuller than Risdon ; but 
that there are differences between them that are utterly 
irreconcilable by any parochial grouping or kindred alterna- 
tive. Pole's is a generally consistent list of manors, of which 
some form parishes and some do not, while the catalogue 
in Risdon is a jumble of parishes, manors, and tithings, 
and ancient lordships. 2 The difference will be clear enough 
to those who are acquainted with the county, but still a few 
of the more important variations may be indicated, by way 
of sample. 

Thus in Colyton Hundred, Shute parish appears in Pole 
and not in Risdon ; and vice vcrsd, Gittisham in Risdon and 

2 I had never heard, until I read Mr. Reichd'a paper, of the Hundred of 
Wonford passing by the name of "Southinge ; and surely the refer- 
ence in Risdon to the "autiqua dom. de Southinge" is to the ancient 
lordship or domain of Southing, just as in the case of the •• antiqua dom. de 
Lifton." When an earlier name of a Hundred is intended, the reference, as 
in " Molland quondam Hundred," is unmistakable. The Rev. Mr. Whale 
read Southinge, or the manor of South Teign. 



not in Pole. In Ermington we get both Membland and 
Bevelstoke in Pole, and only Lambside in Sisdon. Axmin- 
ster is actually absent from the Hundred of that name in 
Kisdon; and it cannot have filled the blank opposite the 
second monetary entry of £1 7s. In Mr. Reichel's selected 
example of Hartland, the parish of Wolfardisworthy is 
omitted in Risdon, given by Pole. In like manner Risdon 
drops Loxhore in Sherwill. The Risdon list gives Virgin- 
stow, Bratton Cloveily, and Mary Tavy in Lifton, neither of 
which appears in Pole ; but it omits the important parishes 
of Werrington and North Petherwyn, given by Pole, and 
transfers them to Black Torrington. The climax seems to 
be reached in Roborough, from which the Risdon list 
drops Stonehouse, West Stonehouse, Bickleigh, Buckland 
Monachorum, Walkhampton, Sheepstor, and Mary Tavy ! 

I now give a list of the Hundreds of Devon, as they appear 
in the Hundred Rolls of the second and fourth years of 
Edward I., in tabular form, as compared with the lists in Pole 
and Risdon. The first set are the Hundred Rolls proper, 
and should be, but are not complete. Those of the fourth 
are extracts from various inquisitions made under the 
same head. 

Hundred Roll, Hundred Roll, p™™ 

2 Ed. I. 4 Ed. I. roLB ' 






Col i ton 









Bran tone 



Col rig 















and Axmouth 
E. Budleigh 
W. Budleigh 
N. Tawton 
Ottery St. Mary 





Black Torrington 


E. Budleigh 

W. Budley 








Hai ridge 






N. Tawton 

Ottery St. Mary 





Hundred Roll, Hundred Roll, p _ T1]l 

2 Ed. I. 4 Ed. I. * 0LE * 




















S. Molton 


















The Rolls of 2 Ed. I. also include the ville of Aspton, the 
burghs of Barnestable, Bidevorde, Colford, Huniton, 
Okh ft mton, Pluinpton, Sudmolton, Taustok, Toritone, 
Totteneys, Tyv'ton, the city of Exeter, the manor of Braneys, 
Huniton, Ofculm, Kenton, Yalhampton ; the fee of Wonford 
Hundred (which is said to contain 66 vills), and the baronies 
of Plympton, Okehampton, Gloucester, Barnstaple, Braneys, 
Harb'ton, Swale, Ot'ton, and Beri. 

In like manner the Inquisitions make independent men- 
tion of Exon, Plumton, Braneys, Crediton, Lideford, Sutton, 
Ochamton, Bideford, Tiv'ton, Colford, Touton, Derta- 
mouth, Tavistock, Toteneys, Modbyr', Suth-mouton, Aspton, 
Honiton, Kenton, Moland. 

Like the Geld Inquest, the Hundred Rolls deal rather 
with persons and taxation than with places, which are 
indeed cited incidentally, rather than of set intention. They 
do, however, carry us a good deal further in the topo- 
graphical direction than the earlier record, while still 
forbidding the compilation of an accurate and comprehen- 
sive comparative list. 

There is only one other ancient record to which we can 
refer on this topic — that known as the Testa de Nevill, in the 
main an enquiry into fees and holdings in chief, dating some- 
where in the later years of Henry III. and the earlier of 
Edward I. The Devonshire Hundreds cited, a few in set 
form and the bulk incidentally, are : Laston, Wyrig, 
Buddelegh, Stanburgh, Haytor, Erminthon, Harrig, Tiverton, 
Alb'ton, Clifton, Axeminstr', Exeminstr', Tennebrug, 
Staneburg, Corig', Blaketorrinton, Seftbere, Braunton. 

For the purpose of comparison, I have selected from the 
half-dozen Hundreds given in extenso in this record, that 
of Ermington, as being the one of which I have the most 
local knowledge. The letters p and r indicate the 



occurrence of a name in either the Pole or Eisdon list. It 
will be seen that of the 48 names — assuming that the 
doubtful equivalents are rightly placed — 15 occur in both 
lists, 14 are found in Pole alone, 10 only in Risdon, while 9 
can be traced in neither. On the other hand, 19 names in 
Pole cannot be found in Testa de Nevill — Wonewell, Carswell, 
Kevelstoke, Penquit, Oldport, Colemore, Painston, Trewin, 
Boyshele, Fowelscomb, Fileham, Stone, Woodland, Strechlegh, 
Ivebrigge, Strode, Stowford, Slade, Hele; while 2 in the 
Eisdon set are in the same category — Painston and Esse 

Ermington Hundred — Testa de Nevill. 

P r 








Auethon [Giffard] 


Hugheton [Holbeton] 






Cumb Spridel 



Baricumb [Bawcumb' 

Dyventon [Dunston ? 

Yed mares ton 



Wardeslegh [Morley ?] 


Alvedeaton [Adeston] 



P r 
P r 
P r 

P r 


P r 


Pva Modbyr 


Niweton [Ferrers] 



Legh [Durrant] 






Pak' [Torrepeak] 







N y thereblachesworth 


Brunardeston [Brownston] 

Silvertone [Shilston] 



Make whatever allowance, then, we please for subdivision 
and change of name, is it not equally evident that other 
causes of change have been at work : that there exists no 
ancient Hundred list that can be regarded as infallible, and 
that the list in Eisdon is the least complete and trustworthy 
of them all ? 

It is quite unnecessary to go further. Change and 

enormous change in the Hundreds has been proved, and 

the causes and method of the change do not concern us 

here, either by way of fact or of liberal speculation. Enough 

has been said to show that instead of an infallible court of 

appeal in the matter of Domesday identifications the Geld 

2 d 2 


Inquest is the most untrustworthy of broken reeds, in its 
relation to continuous conditions. 

It now remains to consider the identifications approved 
by Mr. Eeichel. So far as I can see, these are just under 
two hundred in number, not a fifth of the full total for 
Devon. Of this two hundred, two-thirds, or thereabouts, 
are in agreement between Mr. Reichel and myself. Sixty- 
four are in difference; and of these sixteen are in my 
doubtful, and twenty-two in my probable class ; twenty-six 
only being in my opinion definitely recognizable. Were Mr. 
Reichel right in every one of these cases, and I wrong, I 
should still be well within my limits of cautionary error. 
In my view, however, the actual corrections and improved 
suggestions form a much smaller total. After what I have 
said touching the untenability of deductions founded on the 
Hundred hypothesis, it will not be needful for me to go into 
full detail, where Mr. Reichel's conclusions have no better 
foundation ; and before proceeding with my comments, it is 
only necessary further to add that in all cases of difference 
between Mr. Reichel and myself, to which I do not now 
refer, I adhere to my own view. 

Addebirie (945), given by me as probably Oldbury, 
Morchard Bishop, Mr. Reichel claims as Yardbury, Budleigh, 
But it lies in the list between the two Cridies, all three being 
held by William. 

Al/orde (711) is suggested as Halford, S. Tawton, instead 
of Alfordon, Okehampton. The order helps neither view, 
but Alford has Mildedone added to it, and it does not appear 
to be questioned that this is Meldon, in Okehampton. 

Alreford (553), placed by Mr. Reichel in Axminster 
Hundred, instead of in Marystow. This may be. It lies 
between Ford (Abbey) and Smaelecome (Smallacombe, Using- 
ton). The chief evidence in favour of the Axminster assign- 
ation is that both Ford and Alreford were held by Rannulf. 

Alwinestone (355) occurs as added to Donicestone, a very 
doubtful manor. My suggestion was that Donicestone might 
be Datton, and Alwinestone Austin in Otterton adjoining. 
Mr. Reichel makes Donicestone South Zeal, in South 
Tawton, and Alwinestone Allison in the same parish. 

Bihede (813, 815). North and South Buda, Langtree, seemed 
suggested, but I believe Mr. Reichel is right in identifying 
the Buehills in Burlescombe, the wider nominal divergence 
notwithstanding. The historical evidence seems conclusive 


Bradelie (1132). Mr. Beichel assigns this to Tiverton instead 
of Newton. It is one of four manors held by Haimeric — in 
order : Kovecome, Hille, Cumbe, and Bradelie ; the three 
last having been held by Edmar. Now, Mr. Beichel puts 
Kovecome in Wonford Hundred, while I suggest Ruckham 
in Cruwys Morchard, as probable. The fact that it follows 
Poltimore, in Clyston, gives no help. As, however, Hill and 
Cumbe are probably in Christow, it does seem more likely 
that Edmar's Bradelie was in their vicinity, at Newton, than 
at Tiverton. 

Bvrietescome (161). Mr. Reichel makes this Burnscombe, 
Challacombe, while I thought Buriet, Atherington, probable. 
The fact, however, that it follows Witefelle, which is clearly 
in Challacombe, seems to fix it rather in that parish ; 
and Burnscombe is within reasonable limits of nominal 

Cadeledone (1051). I fail to see that Collinsdown, Bulk- 
worthy, is more probable than Chaldon, Martinhoe. There is 
really no definite clue. 

Cedelintone (47). Mr. Eeichel gives this as Chillington, 
instead of Chittlehampton. Order renders little help, since 
it lies between Woodbury and Tiverton. As part of the 
land of Gytha, the north rather than the south of Devon 
is, however, indicated; and the only link with the south 
of Devon is the fact that Sireford, or Sherford, is appendant. 
It does not, however, by any means follow that a dependent 
manor is of necessity contiguous. Moreover, Cheletone (615) 
is Chillington. Finally, the area of Cedelintone is conclusive 
— to wit, fifty-three plough lands, twelve acres of meadow, 
150 of pasture, and wood twenty furlongs long by half a 
lenga broad. Chittlehampton parish is 8720 acres; and 
Cedelintone accounts in round numbers for 6500, an ex- 
cellent proportion. Indeed, if Cedelintone is not Chittle- 
hampton, I cannot find this important parish in Domesday 
at all 8 

Cheneoltone (161). The evidence is about equally good for 
this being Knowltone in Braunton, as Mr. Beichel says, or 
Chilton, Thorverton, which I think probable. 

Chetelescome (545). Why with Chettelscombe in Tiverton, 
or Down St. Mary, waiting. claimants; and the next manor, 

* I reckon the plough-lands on the old 120-acre basis, which has the great 
merit of getting rid of all troublesome arbitrary deductions for balks, waste, and 
the like. I find that by adding Mr. Reichel's deductions to his plough-land 
estimates, his own figures average very reasonably near this amount — in 
some cases, indeed, exceeding it ! 


Chiveorne, clearly Chivenor, either in Tiverton or Heanton 
Punchardon, we are asked to accept Gallowscombe, Marldon, 
I cannot conceive. There can hardly be a shadow of doubt 
that both are in the former parish. 

Chisewic (939). All I have to say here is that with such 
a common place -particle as wick, I cannot accept its 
presence as indicating the Saxon ownership of Wichin. 

Cridie (943, 945). Mr. Eeichel claims these as Creedy 
Helion and Pictavin, instead of Lower Creedy, Upton 
Helion; but the second is only a ferling in Credie, which 
it seems quite too much to regard as a potential manor. 
Beside, they are held by the same lord as Addeberie, in 
Morchard Bishop. 

Ferse (725). Though this may be Furze in ChitUe- 
hampton, named as probable, the fact that it lies in the 
list between Combe Martin and Parracombe gives greater 
weight to Mr. Reichel's identification of Foss, Braunton. 

Gretedane (167). I do not think we can do more than 
add Mr. Keichel's Granton, Braunton, to the other doubtful 

Heirde (1107) is regarded by Mr. Eeichel as Hackworthy, 
or Hayworthy, in Tedburn St. Mary, instead of Hachevrde 
(1091), which he places in Whitstone, while, to me, Yard in 
Clisthydon seems more probably indicated. This series turns 
mainly upon whether we are to regard the final " d " as the 
Saxon "th," for which I can see no shadow of reason. 
There are no other clear clues. But Testa de NeviU shows 
that Baldwin's Heirde is Yarde ! 

Heppastebe (943). I quite fail to follow the process by 
which Heppastebe becomes Haske, in Upton Hellion. 
Henstell, in Sandford, though not free from doubt, is surely 
nearer the mark, fiadulf had seisin of it with Hanc (Anke), 
in Clisthydon. It lies between Danescome (which I place 
in Crediton, and not in Cheriton - Fitzpaine with Mr. 
Reichel) and Cridie (Lower Creedy). Topographical arrange- 
ment, therefore, fails to decide between Upton Helion and 
Sandford, and 1 think it wisest to fall back on the principle 
of least corruption. 

Herlescome (1001) may, as Mr. Eeichel suggests, stand for 
parts of Yarnscombe ; but the variation is hardly greater to 
Holcombe, added to which is the significant fact that its 
Domesday owner is Tetbald, son of Berners, so that we have 
not far to look for the distinctive BurnelL 


Hewise (697). Whether we are to find this in Huish, 
Tedburn St. Mary, which I suggest as probable, or in 
Wichenshays, Collumpton, with Mr. Reichel, very much 
depends upon whether Colebrooke, its successor, is in Brad- 
ninch — as I think — or in Collumpton, though the two are 
too close together to be absolutely certain. However, as 
Wichin held Hewise, that should be conclusive. 

Hochesile (983). Suggested by me as probably Oxhays, 
Honiton Clist; given by Mr. Reichel to Haskhill, Frithel- 
stock. This seems very tempting; but when we find that 
the preceding manor is Were, at Topsham, and the succeed- 
ing Hulham, in Littleham — Euald holding both — very serious 
doubts arise. 

Hokcome (921). This was a manor which I could not 
clearly distinguish; but Mr. Reichel may well be right in 
identifying it with the Dawlish Holcombe. 

Magnelege (857). West Manley, Tiverton, has about equal 
claims with Manlegh, Halberton; but it is impossible to 

3fanneheve (1191) is placed by Mr. Reichel in Exminster 
Hundred ; but the proof of its being Mayne, in Dunsford, 
is conclusive. It follows Dunsford, and is held by the 
tome lord, Saulf. 

MUclvewis (1191), the next in order, is also placed by 
Mr. Reichel in Exminster Hundred; but hitherto it has 
not been certainly identified. 

Merlon (499). This suggested itself as part of the parish 
of that name. Mr. Reichel's identification as Mardon, in 
South Tawton, is confirmed by its position between Hitter- 
leigh and Melhuish, in Tedburn St. Mary, and, moreover, 
turns the latter from a probability into a certainty. 

Notone (257). I cannot conceive how this can be sug- 
gested as being in Crediton, when the monks of Buckfast 
continued to hold their manor of Norton, in Churchstow, so 
many centuries after the Conquest. 

Ogeurillee (935, 937). Taking these with Wogwill (1117, 
1161), I said that the Ogwilles were too large for East 
OgwUl, while, if Wogwill with its mill represented East 
Ogwill, then the two Ogwilles were too large for West. And 
I thought, therefore, that the Ogwilles might be the two 
parishes of that name; and that Wogwel (1117) might be 
sought elsewhere — there being a Vogwell, for example, in 


Manaton. Wogewille (1161) I thought more likely to be 
Vagglefield, in Cookbury. The whole of the difficulty, with 
me, lay in the areas. Mr. Reichel, dealing only with East 
Ogwell, sees none; and assumes, because there were two 
manors in East Ogwell, temp. Edward I., both held of 
Pomeroy, that they must have been two at the time of the 
Survey, whereas nothing is more common than division. 
East Ogwell is 1249 acres, West Ogwell 683. Of the two 
Ogwells in Domesday, one is 493 acres, the other 377. Of 
the two Wogwells, one is 619 acres, the other 246. Thus the 
totals of the Ogwell parishes are 1932 acres; those of the 
Ogwell and Wogwell manors 1735, which does not leave 
sufficient margin. It is clear, too, that the bigger Wogwell 
cannot be West Ogwell, though it may be East ; nor would 
there be room for the Ogwells and Wogewill in East. How- 
ever, as I have already said, that the two Ogwells are 
connected with the modern parishes of that name, seems 
clear, whatever else may be in question. 

Otritone (277). I am unable to conceive why this should 
be regarded as part of Yattington. It is a very important 
manor, with 3 mills, 33 salt-works, 25 plough lands, 45 
acres of meadow, 150 of wood, and a leuca and a-half of 
pasture — the total of which corresponds very closely with 
the 3479 acres of modern Otterton parish. It is hardly 
possible to imagine a stronger case. 

Pantesford (481). Poundsford, Collumpton, seems a more 
likely suggestion than Painsford, Ashprington, though only 
of equal claims with Passford, Otterton. 

Raordin (695) might possibly be read Eadworthy, as Mr. 
Eeichel suggests, but one of the Rowdens of Witheridge or 
Shebbear still seems, to me, preferable, the former for choice. 
Are we dealing in the " din " with a d or a th ? I confess I 
think the former. 

Rinestandone (221). This, Mr. Eeichel thinks, is Rousdon. 
It is a very small holding, only one plough-land and six 
acres of meadow. Of course Rousdon, or St. Pancras, is 
very small also; and that, to me, seems about the only 
ground for the suggestion, while I do not think the corrup- 
tion involved at all likely, though possible. It lies between 
Cravelech (Creely), in Farringdon, and Cheletone, or 
Charlton, which rendered to Axminster ; probably Charlton, 
in Comb Pyne ; and Kingston, in Colaton Ralegh, seemed a 
Mr query. 


Sotebroch (293) is claimed, by Mr. Reichel, for Shobrooke 
(Schipebroc), but I cannot think the identification of the 
latter admits of a doubt; and Southbrook is assuredly a 
more likely variant of Sotebroch than Shobrooke. It is a 
small manor — only two plough-lands, and an acre each of 
meadow and pasture. 

Smidelie (471), Mr. Eeichel claims for Cliston Hundred, 
and as being represented by Cromley. I have already said 
that it seems to be in East Devon (though we have Smitha- 
leigh in Plympton), but if it is Cromley, where has the Smid 
or Smith gone ? 

St. Mary Clist (471, 473). Mr. Eeichel remarks — 
"Following Polwhele and other earlier writers, Mr. Worth 
has suggested that both the Clists held by St. Mary of 
Rouen, are in St. Mary's Clist." Post hoc, in his view, 
evidently must be propter hoc. Yet, as a matter of fact, Mr. 
Worth came to that conclusion before he consulted any 
" authorities." Pending Mr. Eeichers handling of the whole 
Clist question further comment would be out of place. But 
with regard to his first argument against — that had the 
parish been called after the canons it would have been 
called Canons' Clist, or, I presume, Clist Canon, I may 
point out the plainest possible instance to the contrary, in 
the fact that Newton St. Petrock is so-called because in 
like manner it belonged to the canons of St. Petrock of 

Sprei (1033). My suggestion is Spry in Lifton; Mr. 
Beichel's is Spry in Broadclist ; and he identifies the pre- 
ceding manor, Wiflevrde (1033), as Willards, in Broadclyst, 
while I claim it for Willsworthy, in Mary Tavy. Sprei 
follows either, almost as a matter of course. Here, it will be 
seen, Mr. Eeichel reads the d in Wiflevrde as d and not th, 
instead of as usual the other way about. We are both 
agreed, however, that the next manor, Ferding, is Farthing in 
Broadclyst; and I think, therefore, the balance may be in 
Mr. Beichel's favour. Only if I give up the " worthy " here, 
and read Wiflevrde Willards, I am bound to press it as an 
additional reason for reading Heierde Yard, and not Hay- 

Sta/ord (289). Mr. Eeichel adds Stowford, Colaton 
Ealegh, to the Stowford competition, and I cannot pretend to 


Svtreworde (787). Given by me as probably Southward, 
Tiverton ; but Mr. Eeichel falls back on the th once more, 
and reads Sutherworthy. It occurs among several scattered 
holdings, so that topography gives no help. It is an im- 
portant manor — 12 plough-lands, 20 acres of meadow, 10 
furlongs of pasture, and wood one leuca long, and half a 
leuca broad. 

Torneberie (357). Far more probably in Cheriton Bishop, 
as Mr. Eeichel says, than my doubtful planting in Egg 

Walderige (501). Placed by me as probably in Wark- 
leigh; claimed by Mr. Reichel as Oldridge, St. Thomas 
Hayes, i.e. f St Thomas. In the record Tedburne (St Mary) 
follows, and one of the two Tedburnes was held by the same 
lord as Walderige. It is a fair-sized manor, 6 plough-lands, 
6 acres of meadow, 100 of pasture, and 60 of wood. 

Was/ord (805). Claimed by Mr. Reichel as Washford 
Pyne, identified by me as Wifford or Wafford, Bovey Tracey. 
The preceding manor is Raddon, Thorverton, the succeeding 
Drayford, Witheridge. Apart from the spelling, the great 
difficulty to my mind in accepting it as Washford Pyne is 
the fact that there are also three Wesfords, whose identity 
with the parish does not seem to admit of doubt Wasford 
had six plough-lands, five acres of meadow, pasture half a 
leuca long, and a furlong broad ; wood, four furlongs by one 
furlong — altogether too big with the other Washfords for the 
parish — indeed, quite big enough of itself to represent 1140 
acres. Bovey, however, with its 7262 acres affords plenty of 

Wediche8welle (165). In the Exon version this is seemingly 
spelt with an initial P instead of a W — Pedichewelle, and 
Mr. Reichel therefore identifies it with Pickwell. But this 
presumed P is only the usual Norman character for W — as 
on the coins of the Conqueror we read PILLEM REX. It 
comes between Welland, Churchstanton, and Aylscott, West 
Down ; and seems to me to admit of no doubt. 

Willedcne (1065). Mr. Reichel gives this to Widdon, 
Sherwill; but why, when there is Willey in Sampford 
Courtenay, and we find both Willedene and Sampford 
belonging to the same lord, Norman, T.R.E., I cannot quite 
see. The Sirewelle which follows is probably Sherwill, in 
Dunterton — the parish will be found elsewhere. 


It will be seen that I have accepted Mr. EeicheFs 
suggestions, in some instances, as either certainties or proba- 
bilities, and that my list should be corrected accordingly. 
On my own account I also consider that my identification 
of Bicheordin as Bagsworthy, in Brendon, of Chenemetone 
as Kelmington, of Combe (725) as Combe Martin, of Disa 
as Ditchetts, Tiverton, of Molewis as Melhuish, Tedburne, 
and of Patecote as Patchcote, Beaworthy, may be regarded as 
certain rather than doubtful. 



(Read at Okehampton, July, 1895.) 

Old landmarks are now being so rapidly swept away, that 
no apology seems needed on my part for inviting the 
attention of the Association to a few which still remain. 
By the kindness of the present Lord of the Manor, and of 
one or two of the freeholders, I have been able to study the 
authentic documents containing the history of Hulham 
Manor ; and finding from these documents that the notices 
of this manor, to be found in the ordinary books of reference, 
are altogether erroneous, I propose, with your permission, (1) 
to place on record such information as I have been able 
to collect of the earliest history of the place; (2) to give 
a brief sketch of its history from the time of Edward VI. 
to the present day; (3) to shew how the constituent 
parts of the manor are now represented; and (4) to draw 
some conclusions as to the economic condition of Hulham in 
times past. 


1. Hulham, or, as it is usually called in older documents, 
Holdeham, is a small manor which lies in the northern 
part of the ancient Chapelry of Withecombe Ealeigh, within 
the parish of East Budleigh. Since 1854 it forms part of 
the new parish of Withecombe Raleigh, but neither 
Hulham, Bradham, nor Bull, all of which are now in the 
parish of Withecombe, appears ever to have had any con- 
nection with the manor of Withecombe. Withecombe was in 
the hands of a subject, Walter de Clavil, at the time of 
Domesday, and has continued in the hands of subjects ever 
since. Hulham, Bradham, and Bull were all of them Crown 
property until the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, when 
they were granted out to subjects. 


It would have been interesting could we have traced back 
the history of Hulham to Saxon times, but the Domesday 
record seems a bar to any such antiquity. Hulham is 
not mentioned in it, 1 and I am fain to conclude that, like 
Bradham, 2 Bull, Liverton, and other places adjoining, 8 it 

1 There is a Holnham in Domesday (No. 1023, p. 988), held by Ruald 
Adobed, but this name occurs in a sequence of estates in Shebbear Hundred, 
and is therefore Holnham in Little Torington. There is also a Hollo 
(No. 765, p. 733) held by William De Faleise, but this being followed 
by Stock in Holne and Dean Church, both of which lie in Stanborough 
Hundred, is therefore, no doubt, Holne in that Hundred. There is a Hola 
(No. 1046, p. 1003) held by Goisbert. But since this name occurs between 
Bukish and Mel ford, both of which are in Hartland Hundred, it must 
be Hole in Hartland Hundred. There is a Hole (No. 1054, p. 1009) held by 
Tetbald Fetz Berner ; but since this appears in a sequence of estates in 
Braunton Hundred, it is either Hole in Georgeham or Hole in Ilfracombe, or 
some other Hole in Braunton Hundred. Finally there is a Holne (No. 536, 
p. 509), held by Baldwin, the Sheriff, which occurs in a sequence of estates 
in Wonford Hundred. This Holne is probably Holly Street, called, since it 
was "tyned." Morchington in Throwleigh. The name survives in that of the 
famous mill. Were we to go outside Wonford Hundred to look for it, 
Hulham in East Budleigh could make a far better claim than Hole in 
Clayhidon. The description, "Land for two ploughs and five acres of 
meadow," would suit Hulham. What is more, this Holne belonged to 
Baldwin, the Sheriff, whose estates ultimately converged in the Courtney 
family, and Hulham, when first heard of, was the property of the Courtneys. 
Still, the general principles which must guide us in identifying the 
D&mesday place names, unless all is to be a matter of guess-work, forbid our 
going outside Wonford Hundred to look for Holne ; and Hulham, un- 
fortunately, lies in East Budleigh Hundred, or in the King's Ancient Demesne. 

2 In 1201 A.D., King John granted 20s., j>ayable out of his rents at 
Bradham, to St. Nicholas' Priory, Exeter, and in 1204 he granted 50s. worth 
of rents, paid by his free socage tenants there, to the same Priory (Oliver, 
Monasticon, p. 1 1 3). This conclusively shews that Bradham then belonged 
to the King, and, since it is also not mentioned in Domesday, it must then 
have been waste of the Hundred. The Hundred Rolls of 3 Ed. I., a.d. 1274, 
contain this entry : " The prior and convent of St. Nicolas in Exeter hold the 
village of Brodcham, and the men who were aforetime the King's socmen, by 
grant of King John, now for seventy years." From the Accounts of St. 
Nicolas' Priory it appears that Bradeham represents the southern part 
of Withecombe Chapelry, what is called Withecombe in distinction from 
Withecombe Raleigh, including Marpool, Bradham, Brimpeny, Ash, Bap ton, 
and Lower Halsdon. Rull was a subordinate manor of the Hundred. 
Withecombe Clavil or Withecombe Raleigh lay around St. John's in the 
Wilderness, north of Bradham Lane. 

8 Liverton and Woodland, both of which lie in Littlehara parish, must 
have been waste of the Hundred ; likewise Budleigh Polsloe, and Hayes 
Barton, in East Budleigh Parish. Several circumstances go to show that the 
boundaries of Littleham, quoted by Mr. Davidson in Trans, xv. 149, if 
they are not a fabrication of the twelfth century in support of the abbot's 
claim to the ferry, cannot be the boundaries of the Littleham Manor Estate, 
but of some larger district in which it was included. For (1) the district 
included in the boundaries contains 3100 acres ; the Liteham of Domesday 
only 870. (2) Other places are known to have existed within those 
boundaries. (See Trans, xxvi. 153, n. 8.) Is it possible that the 
Lidwichecome, which John Maundevil died seized of in the fourth year 
of Edward I. (No. 59, After Death Inquests), may be Exmouth in Littleham ? 
(3) According to the Survey of Kenton, taken in 1695 (in Pol. iu 


then formed part of the waste of the Hundred of Budleigh, 
or, as it would have been called in the thirteenth century, 
the ancient demesne of Budleigh. It does not, however, 
follow that either at the time of the Conquest, or afterwards, 
it was altogether uncultivated. For there may have been 
villagers settled there who paid a small acknowledgment to 
the King for this privilege. But it was not constituted a 
regular agricultural unit under its own lord or frankling. 
Its position was probably like that of the land adjoining to 
Selvestan (No. 1146, p. 1087, which, however, from the fact 
of its being mentioned in Domesday , must in yet earlier 
times have been an agricultural unit); as to which the 
Domesday record has this entry: "This virgate of land 
no one now holds, but 2 villagers are there (Ibi sunt) and it 
is worth by the year 3s." 

2. Whatever the position of Hulham may have been in the 
time of Domesday, we may safely conclude that it had been 
settled as a regular agricultural unit by Edward IIL's time, 
(1) because it appears shortly after that date as a manor, 
complete in all ways with free tenants and customary tenants, 
and (2) because the system of cultivation by landscore, which 
existed on at least a part of it, fell into disfavour soon after 
that time. At one time I was disposed to think that it 
might be the land de la Hulle, as to which the Hundred 
Rolls of 3 Edward I. A.D. 1274, have this entry : 

" Galfrid de la Hulle who is bailiff of the fee of [East Budleigh] 
holds in chief of the King the land de la Hulle for that service in 
the Hundred [i.e. for acting as bailiff in East Budleigh Hundred]." 

But (1) the service by which the land de la Hulle was held 
shows that it cannot have been Hulhara. For Hulham 
was held of the King by knight-service for the ^ part of k 
knight's fee, and was a manor which had free tenants of its 
own. The office of bailiff of the Hundred, or town-bedell as 
he was also called, 4 was a quasi-servile office, although in 

161 note), the part of Exmouth which lies west of an imaginary line drawn 
from Darling Rock to Checkstone Rook lies in Kenton. The Exmouth 
fishery is mentioned as the proj>erty of the Earls of Cornwall appurtenant to 
Kenton Manor in After Death Inquests, 28 Ed. I. No. 44. (4) Liverton was 
held under Hulham Manor, and Woodlands was an independent manor owned 
separately from Littleham Manor up to the present century. 

4 In the Glastonbury Inquest of a.d. 1136, quoted by Vinogradoff in 
his Villenagc in England, p. 36, appears this entry : — 

11 Reginald the town -bedell holds J virgate of land [of the Abbey] and he 
summons men to the county court and to the Hundred court." 

The town-bedell must not be confounded with the vagiator, who served writs 
and distrained goods for rent. Vinogradoff, p. 316. 


opposition to base-tenures which were said to be at the will 
of the lord, it ranked as a freehold. 6 (2) In the After Death 
Inquests of 22 Edward IV. No. 31, there is an entry which 
shews that in 1482, A.D. Andrew Hillersdon died, seized, 
among other estates, of Hulle or Hille next Exmouth. 6 Yet, 
at that date, and for a century earlier, it is believed that 
Hulham was the property of the Courtneys. If this belief 
is correct, it is clear that the land de la Hulle is not Hul- 
ham, but is the small quillet, or reputed manor, some 20 to 
30 acres in extent, formerly called Hille next Exmouth, but 
afterwards Ruell, or Hull, from its owner of that name. The 
name Euell appears in the Hulham Court Rolls in Queen 
Elizabeth's time, and in the Withecombe Register. {Trans. 
xxii. 249.) The corruption of Eull into Rill is, unfortunately, 
one of those changes which are often perpetrated by well- 
intentioned dabblers in etymology. In deeds of the last 
century it is always described as the manor, or reputed 
manor of Hull, alias Hille and Exmouth. 

3. So far as I am aware, there is no record of the 
circumstances under which Hulham ceased to be waste of 
the Hundred, and became an independent manor. But I 
think it may be safely said that it must have been after the 
grant of Bradeham to St. Nicolas Priory in 1204 A.D., and after 
the creation of the manors of Budleigh-Polsloe and Duke's 
Hayes. From the Hundred Rolls of 3 Edward I. we learn 
that the Hundred of Budleigh was originally in the King's 
hand. King John granted it to William Briwere, to hold at 
the will of the King. Four years before his d